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A FEW WORDS ON THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION, IN A LETTER FROM A

LOOKER-ON.

WELL the Westminster election is over the battle is fought, and the victory is won. Burdett and the constitution of England have triumphedand nobly have the electors of this great city redeemed their responsibilities to their country and their religion.

Excuse, my dear Anthony, this abrupt commencement for my letter, but the event is one that deserves an Io Poan-and shame upon the heart that will not join in an honest shout of triumph. If you, even at a distance, exulted in this glorious result; if you felt your bosom beat and your step become more elastic at the news, think what it was to be on the spot, to witness all the display of old English feeling that was called out in the cause of this fine old English gentleman, in whose person the constitution has triumphed. I wish you could have been here to enjoy the excitement and the stirring interest of the scene. I wish you could have heard the proud vauntings of the Destructives the day before the election. They had not read enough of their Bibles to learn the wise precept of the good old king of Judah, "Let not him that putteth on his armour boast himself as he that putteth it off;" but boast they did, and roost and crow until the whole city was not large enough to hold their conceit; and I believe they were in earnest in their vaunting, for they bet immense odds on the issue; and when men are willing to stake their money on any thing, I generally have a suspicion that they are in earnest. But if you could have seen them at twelve o'clock on the day of the polling, when Sir Francis was 600 good votes a-head; and if you could have heard the shouts of triumph when the poll finally closed, leaving him a majority of 515, and seen how honest men met in the streets, and grasped each other's hands with as much cordial earnestness, and looked bright and glad, as if some joyful thing had occurred to each. But I must try and give you a short account of the whole matter.

You know, of course, and so do your readers, to whom I hope you will with all due honor, present these my lucubrations; you know how the revolutionists of Westminster tormented the worthy old baronet, until he flung his indignant defiance in their teeth, and

threw his scornful and contemptuous challenge to them and the whole race of "pismire " radicals, with his Majesty's ministers, to displace him if they could. He stood up boldly for Church and King, and the Protestants of Ireland, and declared himself the friend of the British Constitution and the House of Lords, and the enemy of all the wild schemes of ministers that are abroad.

Now all this was galling enough to the Radicals. There was no mincing the matter -no parleying with the miserable creatures that called themselves the people of Westminster; but worse than all, there was no flattering them with any notions of their own importance. They were just treated with the contempt they deserved. They were told in plain downright English of their own utter insignificance. Scorn, unqualified by any less galling feeling, was poured upon them.

Well! flesh and blood could scarcely endure this, and accordingly they set themselves, with all the industry of mortified self-importance, to oppose the man who had told them plain but stinging truths. Their first course was to find a candidate. They must have an out-and-out radical. They must have one with some money, and one with folly enough to spend it for them. So after sundry and divers consultations they found a man to their mind in John Temple Leader, M.P. for Bridgewater; and accordingly, Mr. John Temple Leader, whose vanity was mightily gratified at the notion of being representative of the City of Westminster, like a fool, threw up Bridgewater, accepted the Chiltern Hundreds, and was started against "Old Glory," as the popular candidate for Westminster.

You might like, perhaps, to hear something of this Mr. John Temple Leader: he is a young man of a class of whom, when I knew Dublin, you had a good many; he is a smart, silly young man; thinks it a great mark of a superior mind to be a radical, and to sneer at religion; considered it a very fine thing to dine with Joe Hume; and can talk about justice to Ireland as flippantly as the best young briefless barrister of your city; he sees no use in a Church at all; he would have no House of Lords, or perhaps a reformed one, of which Joe Hume

might be president, and himself and Tom Duncombe the brightest ornaments. His father is, I believe, a coachmaker, and of course vastly proud of having a son an M. P. He has made plentp of money, and there is no lack of it to support the son's vagaries. With these personal qualifications and appliances, Mr. John Temple Leader, aged I believe about 28 years, offered himself in a smart and flippant address to the good men of the city of Westminster.

Well, the writ was issued, the day of nomination was fixed by the high bailiff, and the canvass of both parties proceeded. Sir Francis was confined to his house by an attack of the gout, but parties of the electors met him occasionally there, whom he addressed in a tone and spirit worthy of the cause he was sustaining. He was at no loss for canvassers-never, perhaps, was a candidate better off. Every one seemed to think it an honor to be upon his committee. Conservative members of parliament toiled night and day in labouring for him, and a good right they had. Meetings of his friends and supporters were held in every part of the city, and excellent speeches addressed to the assembled electors. Committee-rooms were opened in every parish, and bills and placards of all kinds 'sent round the streets, some on men's hats, others posted on the tops of huge poles, or on the boards of great rooms. Of course just the same preparations were made by the opposite party. They had their meetings too, where Mr. Leader talked until sometimes he disgusted even his own supporters; and they had their bills and their placards, and their committeerooms and their flags.

For some days before the election, you could not walk through the streets without meeting some of the symptoms of the canvass. Sometimes the sound of music would precede a long procession of men on huge horses, each carrying an immense flag, on which were inscribed the words "Burdett and Liberty." Other times you would meet another procession, of a ragged and ragamuffin appearance, carrying flags with " Leader, the Reformer, against Burdett, the Tory and Apostate." the contest had been one in which less mighty interests were at stake, there would have been amusement enough in watching the various devices and manœuvres which marked this election

canvass.

If

But with me, at least, it was not so. I could not forget what depended on the struggle, sufficiently, to contemplate any of its appendages with the coolness of a spectator. The interest of all parties was wound up, indeed, to the highest point. Large odds were freely offered by the Radicals, and freely taken by the Conservatives. A dinner was prepared, to celebrate the return of Mr. Leader. His supporters entertained no doubt of his success, and the overwhelming majority of this election was to crush for ever the hopes of Conservatism in Britain.

Things were in this state, when out comes a letter from Daniel O'Connell of all people in the world, to the electors of Westminster-commanding them, in the name of the Irish nation (!!) to return Mr. Leader. This extraordinary document should be preserved. You should print it entire in your pages, as a curious relic-the first attempt by the Irish boroughmonger to dictate to an English constituency. Make your friend who writes about the curiosities of Irish literature, embalm it for immortality in his next paper. Besides, it would be a good thing for the Irish Protestants to have constantly before their eyes; and let them ask themselves how comes it that they have not long since put matters in Ireland into such a train as that even Daniel O'Connell's effrontery could not venture on such an audacious assertion, as to call him, the said Daniel, the representative of the Irish people. But even for the literary curiosity of the document, it is well worth preserving. Only think of any person out of Bedlam calling on the electors to vote for Leader, lest Don Carlos should shout and the Emperor of Russia should snort and smile. How they ever contrived to be unmoved by the anticipation of such dreadful results, is a matter of surprise.

Another important thing to preserve, is the distinct admission that this election turned upon the question of what Mr. O'Connell calls justice to Ireland, and that the decision of the people of Westminster has been against the transfer of Ireland to Popery, for this is what Mr. O'Connell means by jus tice to Ireland.

O'Connell is not the only one who has put the contest on these grounds. Sir Francis Burdett has felt and stated the very same. Let every Irish Protestant read what the honorable Baronet declares have been the objects of his

returners.

"The respectable portion of the Roman Catholics did not participate in those feelings of hostility to England which it suited the purpose of well-paid agitators and presumptuous, ignorant, and aspiring popish priests in Ireland to manifest and to evince. Vain were their efforts and most futile their attempts-they never could make this great Protestant state bow to them in any way. He was sure that the Protestants of England-that the Protestants of Ireland-(a noble and loyal set of men, who would defend themselves if not cramped and paralysed by those who, instead of discountenancing, ought to cherish, aid, and support them) (hear, hear)—and the Protestants of Scotland would never submit to be cajoled, blarneyed, or bullied into a surrender (loud and long continued cheers). To make the matter short, it lay in a very short compass namely, that those who thought like those who heard him, would never submit to bow the knee or give ascendancy to Popery (renewed cheers), or permit the debasement of Protestantism in any part of the united kingdom (enthusiastic cheers). These were the principal grounds and objects for which he considered he had again been elected their representative in parliament. It was the English constitution, the Protestant religion, the established church, and the great and glorious institutions of the land, that they were all now called upon to defend; but the union of feeling, of spirit, and of energy, which had been displayed during the present contest, had removed all apprehensions, all doubts, from his mind, and inspired him with hope that no enemies ever could prevail against them.”

Thus, Mr. O'Connell and Sir Francis are both agreed that the Westminster election was decided on the question between the Protestants of Ireland and Popery.

"TO MAKE THE MATTER SHORT," says Sir Francis, "THOSE WHO HEARD HIM WOULD NEVER BOW THE KNEE TO POPERY, OR PERMIT THE DEBASEMENT OF PROTESTANTISM IN ANY PART OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. These were the objects and grounds for which he considered he had been elected their representative in parliament."

But I had better conclude my narrative and make my comments afterwards. O'Connell's address appeared in the Morning Chronicle of Tuesday, the 9th of May; the nomination was fixed for the following morning. It was a regular ministerial manifesto, regularly issued in the treasury organ-it was universally regarded as such.

At the nomination, Sir Francis was very well received, and Mr. Leader, coldly enough. radicals were quite confident of success. Still, however, the Bets of 100 to 1 were, in some instances, offered by them against Sir Francis, and, I am happy to say, taken. dinner was ordered for the next day, to It is confidently asserted that the and all the arrangements completely celebrate the victory of Mr. Leader, made. This much, however, is cerin comfort for the vaunting and boasttain, that you could not walk the streets ing of that party; and they were talking of nothing at all places but the anticipatory triumph of the morrow.

But the morrow told a different tale. Early in the morning the friends of Sir Francis pressed to the poll; exactly at eight o'clock Sir Robert Peel tendered his vote for the constitutional candidate. In the course of the day, the Attorney-General and Lord Palmerston voted for Leader. All would not do; at four o'clock Sir Francis had a majority of 515.

I wish you could have seen the radicals then; literally sneaking away into every hole and corner, where they could hide their mortification and disappointment. For the sake of human nature, I hope, my dear Anthony, that, Conservative as you are, and, I trust, ever will be, you would have pitied them-I can say, in sincerity, I did. All their day-dreams vanished before the day was at an end. All the hopes of the morning cruelly crushed and prostrate. All their vauntings brought shouts of triumph ringing in their ears, down, and wherever they went, the and the ominous number, 585-at that time the majority was so calculatedstaring them in the face.

It was that evening that Sir Francis addressed to the electors the noble declaration, that he had been returned to prevent the debasement of Protestantism in any part of the United Kingdom.

I really do not know how to describe the scene of the next day. Sir Francis proceeded to Covent Garden, attended by an immense number of the most influential gentlemen in the country, and returned thanks for his election, amid tremendous cheers, faintly interrupted by the yells and hisses of the " mires." The old man had to be borne pison crutches, but nothing could quell the unconquerable old English spirit in his breast-the spirit that had once drowned the terrors of imprisonment

for what he believed to be the British constitution, was now superior to all the depressions of age and infirmity, and beamed from his eye with all the vigour of health and youth.

that is, if it be correct to say, that is ended which is only the beginning of the end. I see that some of the Radical papers on your side of the water affect to regard the issue as unimportant-poor creatures-you ought to affect to believe them, and wish them joy of the result.

A triumphal procession conducted the old man to the house-his own open carriage was drawn by four splendid greys, all decorated with laurel. The blow, you may depend, has been A band of music preceded him, with felt all over England. The country flags and banners, amid tremendous papers are every day bringing us in accheers from the populace, that lined counts of the manner in which the news both sides of the way; a long train of has been received in different parts of carriages followed his. It is said, I England; of the crowds that surrounded believe with truth, that the line reach- the coaches, and cheered when the gloed from the House of Commons to rious intelligence was brought; and Charing Cross. Do you know the lo- how the church bells rung out a merry calities of London? Well, the line peal, as well they might, for the triumph was as long as if it had extended from of the champion of the church. In your old House of Commons in Dubsome places the Radicals had proceslin to the head of Sackville-street. sions arranged to meet the coach, and a The assembled Commons of England band of music ready to return into the were sitting at the time that the electors towns to proclaim the triumph, but the of Westminster thus bore the cham- music did not sound. The radical cor pion of the Protestant constitution, in poration of Portsmouth had it all snug. triumph, to their door; and, as the ly shouts from the multitude rang strangely off the old arches of the venerable abbey-we might almost fancy them to penetrate the silent graves in which the champions of England's constitution, in other and in better days, are now entombed. Again and again they were renewed, as the old patriot was helped out of his carriage, and the voices of the people must have been distinctly heard in "the parliamenthouse," heralding the approach of the man of their choice. The lobbies

were filled with spectators, and cheer

after cheer re-echoed from them, as

Sir Francis passed up between the uncovered lines-not one was there that did not take off his hat as he approached, and cry "God bless him."

When he entered the house, to take his seat as member for Westminster, the enthusiasm of the crowd outside was calmness itself to that with which he was received. Cheering, loud and long and vehement, welcomed him to his place, and with his crutches he hobbled over to the opposition benches, and took his place as an opponent of "a weak and vacillating ministry." He was hailed with plaudits, such as never before shook the walls of a British House of Commons.

When, after a few minutes, he rose to retire from the house, he was followed by a crowd of members to his carriage, and drove home amid the acclamations of the populace, who had waited outside for his re-appearance.

Thus ended this glorious contest;

settled with Lord Minto, that the telegraph at the Admiralty was to communicate the result; it is very odd no telegraph was made. Good Lord Minto wished his friends the aldermen to have a sound night's slumber.

But this Mr. John Temple Leader vacated his seat-and the best of the whole business is, that a good ConserYou remember of course Mr. Charles Brinsley Sherivative has gotten it. dan, who ran off with the daughter of Sir Colquhoun Grant. The poor old general took the matter very much to heart, and died soon after, leaving Mr. Charles Sheridan his heir. The old general was an honest Conservative, but his son-in-law has taken the other side; and so he was bid by Lord Melbourne to go over and win Bridgewater, but unfortunately Mr. Broadwood and 290 conservative electors of the borough interfered, and Mr. Charles Brinsley Sheridan was sent back again, looking almost as foolish as Mr. John Temple Leader.

Altogether we have made well of this Westminster business, between the triumph at Westminster and the gain of a vote at Bridgewater. Next Monday night, it is said, Sir Francis will come down to the House and oppose ministers on the Church-rate bill; a small majority in the House of Commons then, and a defeat at Glasgow, and they are done for.

It may be just worth while to ask what won the election for Sir Francis? and I wish that all Conservatives would

learn a lesson from the answer. It was the outspoken Protestantism of "Old Glory," and nothing else will win an election any where for Conservatives; and if you would take my advice, when ever a candidate comes forward on your side who will wish to mince the matter, and not speak boldly out for Protestantism, and tell the people that the real question is, "Will they bow their necks to popery or not?" you will tell him that he may be a very good sort of man, but that he had better sit by his own fireside, for he is not the man for these times. There is more good old Protestant feeling in the country than you and many others calculate on, and if Conservatives do not appeal to this they ought not to succeed.

Mr. O'Connell's letter did much to call out this feeling; the letter, to be sure, was a very different one from what he would have addressed to an Irish borough. There was no threatening of death's head and cross-bones, or of eternal damnation; it was a whining, piteous piece of sentiment; but even so, the men of Westminster do not understand this kind of dictation, and what is more, they detest O'Connell; and I believe solemnly, that if O'Connell had not written that letter our majority would not have been so great, and it was well for the cause of liberty in England, that the first attempt of this haughty despot to trample on the rights of Britous, has been so effectually resented. Thus, amid tremendous cheers did Sir Francis himself allude to the interference of the "popish priest-ridden patriot.”

"The malignity and malice of some persons has done much to aid the cause of the constitution; but I should say that if there is one individual to whom you are more indebted than any other, that person certainly was Mr. Daniel O'Connell (loud cheers and groans). The attacks of that individual have tended to serve the cause which they were designed to injure. Gentlemen, the big beggarman of Ireland (renewed cheers) has mistaken the good sense and patriotism of the people of England. He has intruded himself with his uncalled-for advice upon the electors of Westminster, and with (as it now turns out) his disregarded threats. He has intruded that advice and those suggestions in an Irish letter couched in a strain more Irish than Irish itself (loud laughter), and containing in every point that mixture of blarney and bully, the former of which has only excited the disgust, and the latter the contempt, of the

electors of Westminster (loud cheers, groans, and laughter.) I know not what influence that letter may be said to have had upon his Majesty's ministers, but this I know, that the people of England, and especially the electors of Westminster were made of sterner stuff. Whatever

his Majesty's ministers may think proper to do, what course they may choose to pursue, we have shewn our determination to maintain and support the English constitution, and to resist to the uttermost the dismemberment of the British empire, notwithstanding that Mr. Daniel O'Con(loud cheers, with shouts of disapprobation nell is our declared and determined foe from the Leader party.) In addition, I will merely say, that you view, as I do, the attempt to control your opinions lately made by the great popish, priestridden paid patriot of Ireland (great applause and sensation), and I will add this, that I wish such persons would declare and destroy themselves as he has done; no danger could then be apprehended, as I think it would be on all occasions safer to have such persons my foes than my friends (cheers and yelling from the Leader party.)"

And just as the old man gave this withering rebuke to the trading agitator, the sun smiled down upon his grey hairs, and the shadow of a dark cloud passed away from the hustings. There was something beautiful in the clearing light that fell gloriously down upon the moment of victory.

"The sun of Austerlitz" was Buonaparte's magic watchword to his troops; "the sun of Westminster" may be an equally magic power to all Conservative hearts. The old man saw and felt the beauty of the incident; he seized on it with an eloquence worthy of himself in his best not so good, in the speeches of Curran. There is something like it, but days.

and our efforts at this moment; but there "The sun shines upon our principles is a still brighter sunshine in every honest English heart at the triumph achieved by you, and the example you have set to the rest of England (cheers). Wishing you all good and happiness, and full of the devotion I owe you, electors of Westminster, and to the friends to the cause of take my leave (renewed cheering, which England and the constitution, I now continued for several minutes).

After this some of the Radical great men got up a little by-play of their own, and you might have fancied yourself among a set of Irishmen, if it was not for the good humour that prevailed; there was just as much wit and fun as ever there was in a popular assembly

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