Obrazy na stronie
PDF
ePub

SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION.

We take some blame to ourselves for not having earlier called the attention of our readers to this important subject; but the omission was not altogether from neglect, as we were anxious to examine the system in all its bearings, and to try it as well by its practice as its principles, before we pronounced a decisive opinion respecting its fitness or its unfitness for the purposes which it was intended to

answer.

The time, however, has now come when any longer silence on our part would amount to a culpable dereliction of duty. This system has already been in operation five years. Of its funds the Roman Catholic clergy have largely availed themselves for the purpose of affording instruction to the humbler classes of their communion. A proposal has been made from the diocese of Derry, signed by clergymen of the Established Church, and under the sanction of the bishop, in which it is recommended that a proposition be submitted to the National Board, upon a compliance with which the established clergy might cooperate with them in the work of national education. The individuals who subscribed their names to this proposal, are, some of them, men of high respectability, who have, on more occasions than one, proved the sincerity of their attachment to the cause of true religion; and if there be any of them (and we do not say that there are) who deserve the character of mere political adventurers, the worth of the majority, in our estimation, so far preponderates, as amply to entitle their project to the most respectful consideration.

But before we proceed to any detailed account either of the system itself, or the proposition by which it is sought to be modified, it will be necessary to explain our views respecting the important subject to which that system refers; as, in our apprehension, it is from a neglect, or an ignorance, of the real nature of the subject, that both our legislators and our philanthropists have fallen into an error respecting the manner in which national education should be conducted.

Few things are more natural or more laudable, than that a Christian public should feel an anxious interest about the moral well-being of that destitute

portion of the community, who may be described as "the ignorant, and them that are out of the way." Nor have we ever contemplated the parochial divisions of towns, and cities, and country districts, without feeling the influence of that beautiful principle, by which human creatures, no matter what may be the diversity of their rank or circumstances, are practically taught to consider themselves as a Christian family, nestling, as it were, for protection, under the wings of their common mother, the Church, and pledged to a mutual interchange of sympathy with their common joys and sorrows, that, if one member rejoice, all the others should rejoice, and if one member suffer, all the other members should suffer with it.

As soon as ever the principle is acted upon, that knowledge is power, that moment the intellectual begins to supersede the merely physical energies of our nature; and education and refinement being the distinguishing differences between the more exalted and the humbler classes of the community, the conferring these advantages upon such as have them not, becomes, to the Christian philanthropist, a pleasing and a bounden duty. Indeed, it is also a matter in which the state, if it be wise, will take an earnest and a leading interest; as nothing but a degree of instruction beyond the reach of the multitudes, who are placed in a servile or a dependant condition, can very materially increase the chances of their becoming good citizens and good subjects. We do not say that such ought to be the only object of a Christian government, in multiplying the facilities for the instruction of a Christian people. It is our conviction that higher and deeper than merely human responsibilities attach to all those to whom are entrusted the temporal governance of their fellow-men. We have, indeed, an unalterable persuasion that man was made for a state of society; but our persuasion is just as fixed, that society has been ordained for the moral amelioration of man ; and, therefore, any scheme of instruction, leaving that great end of our mortal being out of view, or giving it but a subordinate importance, must, in our minds, not only fall short of what should be aimed at, but, in so doing, must frustrate the

very inferior object which is sought to be attained. But this we affirm, that a wise and prudent government, looking only to its own security and wellbeing, would be naturally led to the conclusion of the inspired writer, that "righteousness exalteth a nation;" and this should inspire them with a conviction, that that instruction in righteousness, which is here commended, should constitute the basis of their educational system; a conviction which, in proportion as they are sagacious in discerning even its temporal consequences, would be quite as constraining and quite as efficacious as that which would actuate the Christian who sincerely believed and felt "that sin was a reproach to any people."

Now this brings us to the principal point at issue between the partizans of the opposing systems, which are at present struggling for the mastery in this country. Can national education be advantageously prosecuted, without being based upon religion? The affirmative of the proposition is maintained by a large majority of the favourers of the new national board. They would, perhaps, prefer an education strictly connected with religion; but deeming that impossible, they regard it, as far as it goes, as a good "per sr," and are disposed to say, "Est quodam prodire tenus, si non datur ultra."

Their adversaries, on the contrary, maintain that the fear of the Lord must be the beginning of wisdom. They feel that any wisdom which begins in any other way, has its root in human depravity, and can never be expected to bear the peaceable fruits of righteousness. They are convinced that the wisdom which is from above must be "first pure, then peaceable;" and they are not a little confirmed in their conviction by the godly admonition of another apostle, "to add to their faith, virtue, to virtue, knowledge." Indeed, not merely an attention to the word of God, but an observation of the state of society, has satisfied them, that, to attempt the civil or political amelioration, without having made a previous provision for the moral and religious wellbeing, of their fellow-men, would be beginning at the wrong end; that it would be like planting the tree with the root up and the branches down; and that the only certain result must be, the destruction of both root and brauches. They were satisfied, in fact, that merely human instruction, unaccompanied by divine knowledge, would be "sowing the

wind," and that they could only expect by so doing, "to reap the whirlwind."

The other party were of opinion, that human knowledge would naturally lead to divine; that a knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic could hardly be attained, without being accompanied by a thirst for still farther information of a different and a higher kind, and that, most assuredly, the skill which had been acquired would enable those who had acquired it more readily to read the Bible.

To this it was answered, that, in the case supposed, it was not the power but the disposition which was wanted; that it was one thing to bring the horse to the water; another, and a very different thing, to make him drink; that the very same means which facilitated the reading of the Bible, facilitated, also, the reading of many things which could bring with them very little profit, even if they were not, in a majority of instances, corrupting or profane; and that, human nature being what it is, what both reason and Scripture teach us it must be, until informed and actuated by the Spirit of God, the inclination of the great majority of mankind must be, to abuse rather than to derive moral benefit from their merely temporal advantages.

It will be seen, at a glance, that the parties whose conflicting views we are thus contrasting, were composed, in the main, respectively, of the worldly and the religious members of society. We do not mean, that the former would be truly designated as altogether without religion; or, that the latter could be described, as altogether without a certain admixture of worldliness; but, as far as our observation has gone, we are convinced, that, in the one, feeling and principle predominated, which caused them, in every project which they patronised, to give the uppermost place in their thoughts to the world that now is; and that, in the other, feeling and principle predominated, which rendered them, in all things which they put their hands unto, chiefly regardful of "the world that is to come." We would say that they were also differenced by very opposite practical persuasions respecting the corruption of human nature. looked upon man as a being, fallen, indeed, from the high estate of primeval innocence, but still, by careful moral culture, enabled to stand in his own uprightness and integrity; and, therefore, requiring little more than

The one

66

suitable aid for the development of natural powers, by which his inherent depravity might be corrected. They looked upon humanity as a mass of commingled good and evil, which possesses in itself a principle of depuration, and that, by instruction and discipline, such as it is man's to give, a rectification and an adjustment may take place, by which individuals may be reclaimed, and the face of society most improv ingly altered. The other are thorough believers in the doctrine, that man bas, indeed, very far gone from his original righteousness;" that, left to himself, he must only go on from bad to worse, and is wholly incapable of accomplishing his own redemption from that thraldom to sin in which he is taught that the crime of one has placed him; that it requires a strength not his own to take him out of that bondage of corruption, which he feels to be as much his inheritance as his natural life from the first man, and that he can only hope, morally and religiously, to live and breathe again, by the preventing and assisting grace of God cooperating for his deliverance and his restoration. Our readers will, we are assured, pardon us for thus enlarging upon a distinction between the supporters and the opposers of the national schools, when they consider that it is one which must have had no small influence in determining the respective parties in their widely different persuasions. It cannot be wondered at, that, thinking as they do, the one should rest in mere human instruction, as abundantly sufficient to attain all that may be necessary "for life and for godliness;" and that the other should believe, that, until some deeper foundation has been laid, nothing effectual can be done for the promotion of that holiness which affords the only valid security for peace upon earth, and is the indispensible qualification for the happiness of heaven.

We are the more earnest in adverting to the view which has been now disclosed, because we are well convinced, not only that the one party err, not knowing either human nature or the Scriptures as they should be known, but, that the other party have not been wise or consistent in following out the better views and the sounder principles, with which it was their privilege to be acquainted.

The Kildare-place system-what is that? It is one according to which the Scriptures must, indeed, be read,

but, by a strict compliance with which, they hardly can be digested. The children are made familiar with the letter, and may catch a portion of the spirit; but any systematic religious instruction is as little to be expected from such a perusal of the word of God as is there enjoined, where verbal or written commentary is rigidly interdicted, as the majority of unlearned persons could derive of astronomical knowledge, by simply gazing at the stars.

We are very well aware of the amiable and considerate feelings which gave rise to these restrictive regulations. The object of the founders of that society was, to make it as extensively useful as possible. For this purpose, they were studious in avoiding to give any preference to any one particular creed, and, most especially, to avoid every thing which could alarm the jealousy of the Roman Catholic priesthood. Their aim was to embrace as large a portion as possible of their benighted fellow countrymen, within the range of their instruction; and, provided the reading of the Bible was assented to, they were not desirous of inculcating the tenets of any particular sect, under the persuasion, that thus, without force or compulsion, those who had been so long led captive by their blind guides, would be, gradually, brought out of darkness, into the marvellous light of the gospel.

Now, plausible as this view of the subject appears, we have no hesitation in pronouncing it erroneous. No sufficient provision could thus be made for instructing any portion of the people in the principles of true religion. Therefore, the education which might have been afforded, must have wanted the only foundation upon which it could be based, with any prospect of advantage. That children should be permitted to read the Scriptures while all commentary is withheld, while all catechisms are prohibited, and the lips of the teachers absolutely padlocked against any attempt at plaining the various difficulties which must suggest themselves to tender minds-this is but a very doubtful boon; and, while such a regulation was, in strictness, required to be observed, it might well be contended that the Kildare- place Society neglected a most important part of its bounden duty; as far as it was not complied with, it might be charged with a positive breach of faith. So that, religious instruction,

ex

properly so called, must either be neglected according to rule, or taught contrary to rule and we scarcely know

which of the alternatives involved consequences the more injurious.

We were present in the gallery of the House of Commons when the late lamented Mr. North made the last speech which he ever delivered, in defence of the Kildare-place institution, and in opposition to Lord Stanley's advocacy of the system at present in operation under the Board of National Education. His defence consisted in a laudatory detail of the liberal regulations of his favourite society, and a glowing enumeration of specific instances, in which a desire to avoid all interference with religious peculiarities, and a respect for tender consciences was exhibited. One of these struck us very forcibly, and we will mention it for the edification of the reader :

“I was present," said the learned gentleman, one day at the dinner of the schoolmasters, who are sent from the different parts of Ireland to learn the mode of teaching pursued in the model school, and I was struck, and, until it was explained, offended, by an omission which I thought very strange. The meal was commenced and concluded without any grace having been said. Having desired an explanation of this, I was informed that the individuals at table were of different religious denominations, and, no common grace having been agreed on, in which they might all join, the governors thought it better to dispense with any, lest some amongst the teachers should be offended!"

Such, we solemnly assure the reader, constituted part of the defence which was offered by this gifted and amiable gentleman for the society of which he was the most distinguished ornament; and, we ask, can any thing more be required to prove that its liberality was carried too far, and that Christianity itself was compromised, in an over anxiety for its dissemination? We know, and we revere the good intentions of the gentlemen by whose unwearied benevolence that society was sustained. Nothing ever was farther from their hearts than, by a specious latitudinarianism, to injure the cause of true religion. By insisting that the holy Scriptures should not be explained, they imagined that they would propitiate the haters of the light; by insisting that they should be read, they thought that all the children who frequented their schools would be made

wise unto salvation. In both anticipations they were mistaken. Light enough was let in to arouse prejudice; sufficient light was not let in to serve for adequate religious guidance; and those upon whose minds any effect could be produced, must be rather confused and bewildered by it, than enlightened. The reading, writing, and arithmetic parts of the system went on very well. There were no dissenters respecting these, whose prepossessions were to be consulted. It was only upon religion that such a diversity of opinion prevailed, as rendered it expedient, in the judgment of the founders of this society, to limit their exertions to the bare reading of the unexplained sacred word-a practice which may, no doubt, in some instances, have been productive of usefulness, but which, in many, must have been almost as unprofitable as if the Bible had been contained in a dead language!

But, by far the most deplorable result of this latitudinarian system, was, that it led to the present scheme of national education. The object of its founders was to realize a maximum of extent, and a minimum of religious requirement; and they so far diluted and generalised religion as to leave it little better than a name. This they did for the purpose of conciliating Roman Catholics, and they failed. Lord Stanley arrived here when the storm was raging, that had been stirred up by the artifices of the priests. He saw clearly the impossibility of subduing the opposition which had been aroused. He saw also that the religious instruction conveyed by the Kildare-place system, was the very next thing to no religious instruction at all; and that there would be no great inconsistency in those who had gone so far, going a little farther; and, accordingly, he devised the plan which is at present so unhappily in such extensive operation, and to which but little shew of objection could be made by those who were so easily satisfied by the very small amount of religious instruction which was provided for in the Kildare-place system. As an argumentum ad hominem applied to the advocates of that system, Lord Stanley's speech was perfectly unanswerable; and, indeed, the same may be said of the defence of the National Board, which has been put forward by his Grace the Archbishop of Dublin. The man who pretends to keep a horse alive by giving him two or three barley corus a-day, does not

differ very widely from the man who resolves to destroy him, by starving him outright; and the latter may, by many, be thought to have the advantage, because he does not combine the mockery of feeding, with the misery of killing the animal by a tedious process of maceration. To our minds this is no extravagant exemplification of the difference between those who give no sufficient supply of religious instruction, and those who give no religious instruction at all; and, although, undoubtedly it docs not justify the wisdom of Lord Stanley's plan, it silences those advocates of the Kildare-place system, who object, that it does not make religion its basis. In truth, religion was so far slighted by the one party, as greatly to palliate its neglect by the other.

This, however, must be said, that the truly honourable and conscientious individuals, by whom the Kildare-place system was devised, would never have suffered it to be perverted into an engine for the promotion of popery in Ireland. This, at least, was effectually guarded against, by their zealous superintendence, and it is very highly possible that popery may have suffered even from the degree of light which was let in upon it by the reading of the unadulterated word of God. Certain it is that the Romish priests began very early to take the alarm; and the demagogues also saw that a handle might be made of it, to promote their political objects. Hence the outcry that was raised against it, and which never ceased until our infatuated rulers yielded to the demands of a faction, who, finding that darkness could no longer be substituted for light, contrived to procure a sort of light, which was better for their purposes than any darkness.

We must repeat, that the Kildareplace Society were the body, who, by lowering the level of Christian require ment for public instruction, furnished the excuse, which has been so readily acted upon, of abandoning it altogether. But, it must be said, that, in their schools, the Bible was, at least, a denizen. The children had an opportunity of hearing it read, in versions, which they were, in their respective denominations, taught to venerate.— The sayings and the doings of the Lord of Life were exhibited to them, as they are presented to us by the inspired penmen; and nothing was done which could diminish their respect for that inestimable treasure of divine

truth, by insinuating, into the young mind, any doubts respecting its genuineness and authenticity. In the national schools, the Bible is a prohibited book, and the only translation of portions of the New Testament which is suffered to appear, is one which seems to have been made with little other view than that of bringing contempt on the established version; and is so interlarded with notes, and criticisms, and references to the conflicting opinions of various learned theologians, as though it were designed in mockery of the tender capacities of those for whose use it has been prepared. We may not say, and we do not, indeed, believe, that the reverend and the right reverend members of the Established Church belonging to the Board, intended thus to exhibit the uncertain guidance which is afforded by the written word, for the purpose of suggesting the more assured direction which is enjoyed by those who put themselves implicitly under the governance of tradition; but, if such had been their design, their object could not be more completely answered. Assuredly, Dr. Murray has no reason to be dissatisfied with a system which is so well calculated to subserve the ends of the infallible church; and if much has been gained by effecting the exclusion of the Bible from the schools, still more has been gained by effecting the introduction of such a poor, suspicious, and unauthorised rendering of a portion of it, as must confirm all the prejudices against it which have been instilled into one class of learners, and cause it to be regarded, by the other, as but a very doubtful help in the of life everlasting.

way

It is much to be lamented, that the attention of government, and of Lord Stanley in particular, was not early turned to the working of that system which had been so long in operation, under the Association for Discountenancing Vice, and which was managed chiefly, by the instrumentality of the established clergy. This was indeed, a system, which, if more extensively furnished with means of usefulness, was calculated, in our judgment, to do more for the moral, religious, and literary improvement of the people, than any other with which we are acquainted. The Kildare-place Society mended itself by the accommodating character of its rules and regulations; and had such respect for the religious scruples of all those who were con

recom

« PoprzedniaDalej »