yet this is the only intelligible import of Mr. Hamilton's words. No man knows better than himself that there is no true Protestant who will not desire to see the cause he loves promoted by any instruments or by any persons. It would be injustice to the Protestants of Ireland did he insinuate the existence of any such paltry and selfish jealousy in their minds: we know he did not mean it, but his indiscreet and unguarded language, by seeming to hint at such a feeling of rivalry, goes far to create it. It is not from any disrespect to Mr. Hamilton that we enter thus warmly on this subject; but surely on reflection, that gentleman will agree with us that such language as he employed is unguarded, and calculated to do harm. It could serve no good end-it could not add to the force of his arguments to speak of unfairness towards those who had suggested a different plan of proceeding. If the reasons which influenced him to give his opinion against the revival of Orangeism applied equally to the establishment of a Conservative society, then his course was so to state them if they did not so apply, then his former opinion had nothing whatever to do with the present case. readers, we trust, will feel that we do not dwell unnecessarily upon this point. We could not permit even Mr. Hamilton's authority to sanction a sentiment most mischievous to the cause of Protestantism-one that, if acted on, would for ever destroy all hope of united exertion. The principle of his excuse is this-that in disapproving of one course of action he pledged himself to join in no other, because those who put forward a plan that is not accepted have reason to think themselves badly treated if the suggestions of any other are adopted in their stead. It is only necessary to call his own attention to the nature of this sentiment-to make him regret that even he should for an instant have appeared to countenance it.

Our

We now come to the general argument of Mr. Hamilton's letter-he advises us to wait until Protestant forbearance has been still further abused -to remain patient under injuries, that we may gain the pity of the lookerson, and to bear all the indignities that may be heaped upon us, that we may excite by our uncomplaining and patient innocence the sympathies of the good, benevolent people of England in our cause.

Our plain answer to this advice is, that there is no time to wait. "Hope deferred, maketh the heart sick;" and the heart of the Protestant people of Ireland is sinking under the repeated promises of the last four years. There have been "wait-a-whiles" through all that period-men who, would indefinitely adjourn the period of Protestant exertion, and keep it still not in the future tense, but in that which grammarians call the paulo post future; we say that there is or rather was no time to be lost-the spirit of Protestautism was sinking; and had all persons acted like Mr. Hamilton, it might have been that when the convenient and prudent season came for his appeal, he would have had nothing to appeal to. "Live horse and you will get grass," is an homely but an expressive illustrative. We know of no more striking exemplification of Mr. Hamilton's ad

vice.

We do not depreciate the importance of gaining the sympathies of the English people to our cause; but we cannot see how we will damp that sympathy by appearing earnest in our cause. Common sense will certainly tell us the contrary. It was a movement of the Protestants of Ireland that unseated the Whigs in 1834; and while our enemies could appeal to the inaction of Irish Protestants as a proof that they acquiesce in the present state of affairs, it is vain to expect that others will share an interest in their cause that they did not manifest themselves.

"Si vis me flere dolendum." "Primum ipsi tibi."

If we do not show that we resent our wrongs, surely it is a Quixotic expectation to hope that others will be indignant at them-and yet it is by appearing indifferent to our own preservation, that we are told that we can best enlist the feeling of England in our behalf.

But let us at once answer all those who talk about interesting the people of England by our inaction. (A most interesting sight truly to a lion-hearted nation, to behold two millions of men enduring all kinds of insult and injustice, and not deigning to raise a murmur of remonstrance or complaint.) We answer them by an appeal to the two simple facts by a statement of which we commenced this paper. Our enemies have now the voice of

Ireland in their favour-the voice of Ireland is constitutionally heard through her representatives and while they have a majority of those representatives they have a right to say that the voice of Ireland is with them. How much additional force does this answer acquire when we recollect, that it is by the Irish members, by those whom our folly and cowardice permit our opponents to return to parliament that the Anti-Protestant ministry are kept in power. England is true to the cause of the Irish Protestants, but the Irish Protestants are not true to themselves.

This was happily and powerfully urged by Mr. West, in his admirable speech at the meeting on the 16th, in moving a resolution relating to the registries, he said truly

"The resolution which I am asked to propose furnishes me with an ample subject, but what Irish Protestant can speak to it without shame and sorrow? It recites that memorable declaration of our Conservative leader, that the battle of the Constitution is to be fought at the registries,' that maxim so well remembered in Scotland-so thoroughly understood in England-forgotten only in Ireland. The Scottish Presbyterian, faithful to his own Church, and retaining all his notions of liberality, recollects, nevertheless, that Protestantism is the living principle of the Constitution; and, seeing Protestantism assailed even in Ireland, he has armed himself for battle at the registry. No Englishman will endure the application of a principle injurious to his birth-right of freedom, even in another land. Yet the person of a Scotchman is in no danger; the property of an Englishman is secure. The Irish Protestant alone, upon whom the danger is pressing, shrinks from the discharge of a sacred duty, and leaves the enemies of his faith to take the benefit of the lesson taught by the wisdom of Sir Robert Peel."

At the same time, Professor Butt gave utterance to sentiments which we confess are exactly identical, even in their form of expression with our own: "There are those who look upon our proceedings as impolitic. My learned friend, Mr. West, has told you of some who would have us put off our exertions until that very indefinite period, when it may please a Whig-Radical Ministry to be ashamed of their acts. Others would have us wait until the re-action of England in our favour may be complete.

Far be it from me to depreciate the value

of English sympathy in our favour; but I confess that I do not understand the arguments by which men would persuade me that the most effectual means of enlisting English feeling in our cause, is to appear indifferent to it ourselves. Believe me, sir, that sympathy in our cause, like charity, begins at home. I remem

ber to have read an anecdote of an

Athenian orator, who was requested by a citizen to plead his cause before the tribunals of his country. The applicant repeated the tale of his wrongs with the coolness of narrative. I do not think,' said the advocate, coolly, that you have been injured at all.' What!' cried the citizen, kindled into indignation by the denial, Have I not been injured in my property-have I not been shamefully maltreated?' But now there was a vehemence in the manner of his account, I believe you now,' said the orator, you speak like an injured man.' Just such, I conceive, will be the arguments of Englishmen, if our advocates tell them that our rights are invaded-that our lives are insecure-that our religion is persecuted-while all the while no voice of remonstrance or complaint is heard from the Irish Protestants. What must they think? No, Sir. Let us speak like injured men, and then it will be believed that we are so."

And again

"Have we no example of the danger of trusting to others while we neglect to make exertions ourselves? Before the last election we were told to trust to the feeling of the English people-and what was the consequence of our paying attention to the advice? Our gracious Monarch remembered his Irish Protestant subjects; for our sakes he changed his advisers; on our cause he appealed to his people, and the English people responded to his appeal. They returned a majority determined to do us justice, but we were wanting to ourselves-the Irish members turned the scale. Here, then, is my answer to those who tell us to look to

England, and imagine that in order to do

so we should sit down inactive ourselves. Had the Conservatives in Ireland, possessing as they do an incalculable preponderance of the wealth, the intellect, and the property of the country, been able at the last election to divide the representation with their opponents, Sir Robert Peel would now be Premier, and Irish Protestants would be secure. then, of trusting to British sympathy, if ́ that trust is to be the cause of our own inaction. I do not, I repeat, deny the importance of having public feeling in

No more,

this one attained, the cause of Irish Protestantism is secure.

We perceive that by the terms of the requisition the object of the meeting is strictly limited to the preparation of addresses to both houses of legislature and the king. While we are prepared to expect on this occasion a grand and heart-cheering demonstration of Protestant strength, that may carry with ita moral influence of which it is not easy to calculate the effects, let the Protestants of Ireland be well assured of this truth-that all the great meetings they can convene, and all the eloquence, and rank, and influence they may assemble to support their cause, will avail them nothing, absolutely nothing, if the matter is to end there. The kindling of enthusiasm is in the fact the raising of the steamits power must be found in its proper application to working machinery—it is useless, if it be permitted to expend itself in escaping-and men sit down to admire the wreathes into which it shapes itself. The persons that will come from every part of Ireland in response to this appeal, must go home again with the full conviction, that nothing has been done until the battle of the constitution is fought successfully in the constituencies of Ireland until -(we are fond of returning to our old point)—a majority of the representatives of Ireland declare on the side of justice to her Protestant population.

That this would be the result of an active and zealous exertion on the part of the Protestants of Ireland, we have no doubt. We speak not now of exertion which it would require time to mature; but we say, that by proper exertion twelve months might give the Protestants of Ireland the command of a majority of its representation. Let local Conservative Associations be formed in every borough and county in Ireland, and very soon the object will be attained.

It is of course almost impossible, without local returns from every constituency to obtain perfect accuracy in calculations of this nature; but we think we will be able to point out the particular representations in which a change might easily be effected in form of the constitution. We will first lay before our readers the actual state of the representation.-Ireland sends 105 members to the Imperial Parliament; two seats are at present vacant: there remains 103 members, of whom 41 are Conservatives, and 62 O'Connellites:

of the vacancies, one (Longford) is occasioned by a Conservative, the other (Dungarvan) by an O'Connellite; ånd we believe the probabilities are that both will be filled up without making any alterations in the proportions of parties. We shall, at least, consider them in the following tables in this light.-Let us divide the constituencies of Ireland into three classes: county constituencies, those of boroughs returning two members, these of boroughs returning one, and the following are the proportions in which they are divided :—

Let us go through each class separately, and endeavour to ascertain the probable gain or loss by a dissolution of parliament, if in the interim proper exertions were made by the Conservatives.

In

In the county votes a very considerable change might be effected in In Antrim favour of Conservatism. there will be no contest: Lord Belfast will give way to an honest man. Armagh it would not be difficult to displace Lord Acheson, although we admit it might involve a struggle: and in Monaghan there is only wanted a Conservative candidate to ensure the turning out of Mr. Westenra. In the County Cork it is just possible that we might gain a vote. It is, however, we fear, more probable that we may lose one: but, unquestionably, by proper exertion, both the members of this great county might be Conservatives. In Dublin county the Conservatives could easily gain the two members ; and so could they in Wicklow. There are counties to which we do not allude, in which we believe it would not be impossible to turn the scale against the priests. We believe, indeed, that there are few counties in Ireland which it is not within the limits of exertion to rescue; but we wish now to shew what is plainly practicable-and there is no one acquainted with the state of the constituencies who will say that we are. over sanguine in calculating, that of the county members the Conservatives might, by a little exertion, gain sixand this even allowing for the loss of

one.

Of the boroughs returning two members each, Dublin, Belfast, and the University are secure to the Conservatives. Galway, and we fear we may add for the present, Limerick, Cork, and Waterford, to the radicals.

We now come to the boroughs returning one member each. It needs but active and disinterested exertion to rescue from the O'Connell party Armagh, Clonmel, Colerain, Newry, Tralee, Portarlington, and Youghal. Indeed, in both Newry and Youghal the Conservative interest is already secure. From this, however, we must deduct one for Drogheda, where, we fear, a change, not for the better, would be effected. This reduces the Couservative gain to six.

In these calculations we have endeavoured cautiously to avoid all exaggeration of our strength. We have rather reckoned the seats which are lost by indolence, than those which might be gained by exertion. And we have little doubt that were common and ordinary precautions taken to ensure success, another election would add 12 to the Irish Conservative members. This would give us 54 members out of 105, a majority of the representation.

It must be remembered, that we have entered on this calculation simply with a view of presenting to the minds of our readers a tangible proposal of what it is possible by exertion to effect. Our calculations may be perhaps erroneous; what is future is matter of speculation; but of one thing we are certain, that experience testifies for the past, that whenever the Irish Conservatives have put forth the energies of men impressed with the sacredness of their cause, they have been triumphant-even where exertion seemed most hopeless. It is not long since the city of Dublin was regarded as the very stronghold of radicalism-the untiring energies of one individual first won the victory-which the exertions of a few have now rendered secure. Let the glorious example of Mr. West teach Conservatives every where what may be done by one single hearted, undaunted man-let the issue of the long and protracted contest for the City of Dublin teach us this that no seat should be abandoned without a contest, and no contest terminate without a petition. Of the actually qualified voters of Ireland the immense majority are on our side. It is by voters, the creation of such judges

as

Mr. Gibson, and Mr. Hudson,

that the voice of the bona fidé electors is overcome. Let the Conservatives of Ireland set themselves to the task of purifying the constituencies, with the determination of men who feel that all that is dear to them is at stake. Let every county in Ireland be contested with the determination that an appeal to the House of Commons must follow their defeat. Let them bring the fraudulent manufactures of political judges to the bar of the British House of Commons; and let them only yield the contest when they are beaten by a fair majority of those to whom the legislature intended the franchise should be confided.

To do all this, local associations are necessary, and local associations we must have. We want no agitation, we want no unconstitutional organization, but simply societies whose object it shall be to secure a fair representation for the sentiments and feelings of the really qualified voters of the constituencies of the country.

It is time that this article should draw to a close. We had intended to have glanced at the different meetings which have been held throughout the Ireland, and to have drawn from the eloquence and reasoning which they have been the occasion of presenting to the public some little of the much that is worthy of being preserved. But we must have done. We rejoice to find that every part of Ireland is awake, and that many local meetings are about to kindle the flame of Protestant ardour in their respective districts. All we ask is that the flame so kindled be not permitted to waste itself, but that the excitement thus produced be directed into practical channels.

One or two suggestions, perhaps of minor import, and we have done. We would suggest to the friends of Conservative principles, whenever they may deem it expedient to report the proceedings of a meeting, to admit the press of both parties. They have nothing to fear from publicity, and they may lose something by exclusion. We say emphatically we are advocates on such occasions for the free and indiscriminate admission of the press it leaves the opposition papers no excuse for not putting our statements before their readers; and it is in the columns of the radical journals that those statements can effect most good.

We would suggest to the Metropolitan Conservative Society that they