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PART OF AN EGYPTIAN FUXEKAL PROCESSION, WITH ACTS OF MOURNING. processes for the embalming of the dead as the Egyptians 1 -The custom of funeral trains existed at all periods and practised, and which have often been described.
in all the provinces of Egypt. We see the representations 3. Forly days,' etc.-It is rather difficult to understand of funeral proeessions in the oldest tombs at Eleithuias; the meaning of the different numbers, forty days and and similar ones are delineated in those of Saqqarah and seventy days. Herodotus mentions seventy days as the Gizeh : we also find others of a like nature in the Theban time which the body lay in natron, which agrees with the tombs, which belong to the eighteenth, nineteenth, and time of mourning for Jacob. Diodorus, however, takes no twentieth dynasties. When we behold the representations notice at all of this process, which seems to have been often of the processions for the dead upon the monuments, we omitted, and says that the embalming occupied forty days. seem to see the funeral train of Jacob. The distinction Bishop Warburton conjectures that the whole period of between the elders of the house of Pharaoh, his court pickling and embalming occupied seventy days; that is to officers, and the elders of the land of Egypt, the state say, that the body was laid in natron thirty days, and that officers, is also worthy of notice. Rosellini, Monumenti the remaining forty were occupied in preparing it with dell'Egitto, ii. 3. 396 ; Hengstenberg, Egypt, p. 75. gums and spices, which was the proper embalming. Thus, 16. Sent a messenger,' etc. --Abarbanel thinks that they therefore, forty days may be said to be the time of embalm did this immediately after their father's funeral in Canaan, ing, although the corpse was seventy days in the hands of and before their return to Egypt; for that the brothers were the embalmers. It is remarkable, however, that Moses's so apprehensive of Joseph's just displeasure, that they numbers should contain both the numbers mentioned by would not go back and place themselves in his power until the others. It is also observable that Diodorus mentions they had ascertained his sentiments towards them. This seventy-two days as the period of mourning for the king,
we doubt: for there is every reason to suppose that they whence some have conceived that Jacob was mourned for
had left their wives and children in Egypt. According to as a king, and that the seventy in the text is a round num
the Talmud (Yehamoth, f. 65), they invented this message ber for seventy-two. Be this as it may, it must give some in order to ensure a continuance of his favour, as his father, idea of the mourning for Jacob to state the observances who knew him better, never suspected him, and left no indaring the mourning for a king, as given by Diodorus. junction on the subject. This seems likely; but we cannot They shut up their temples, and abstained during the concur in the opinion of Nachmanides, that Jacob never seventy-two days from all sacrifices, solemnities, and feasts. was made acquainted with the fact that they sold Joseph They rent their clothes, begrimed their heads and faces into slavery; the tenor of his blessing upon that beloved with mud, and in this condition men and women went son seems to us to evince his knowledge of that disgraceful about in companies of two or three hundred, with their fact. loins girded and their breasts bare, singing plaintive songs, 21. “He comforted them.'-Literally, he spoke on or to reciting the virtues of him they had lost. During the time their hearts; that is, he addressed himself to their feelings. of mourning they abstained from wine and generous diet. 25. • Ye shall carry up my bones from hence.'-We see in They ate no animal meat, or food dressed by fire, and ab the next verse that the body of Joseph was embalmed. In stained from their customary baths and anointings. Every this and many other places, bones ' denote generally a corpse. one mourned as for the loss of his dearest child, and spent The Israelites had the satisfaction of performing this proall the day in lamentations. A great part of this agrees in mise; for, after carrying the mummy of Joseph about with essentials with what Herodotus states as the observances of them in their forty years' wanderings, they were enabled an ordinary mourning. The difference was probably only to deposit it in the ground which Jacob bought at Shechem one of duration, and in the mourning for a king being (Josh. xxiv. 32). Josephus seems to say, that the bodies general.
of the other patriarchs were carried up to Hebron, and 4. · Joseph spake unto the house of Pharaoh.'- It is worthy buried there, soon after they died. This is possible; and of remark h ere that Joseph makes not his request directly 1 that the same was not done with Joseph's remains, is proto the king, but has recourse to the house of Pharaoh, bably explained by the unwillingness of the Egyptians to
while at other times he goes directly to Pharaoh ; and even part with the mummy of so prominent a public character , his brothers and father were brought before Pharaoh, so | as Joseph had been. The earnest desire of the patriarchs,
that the fact cannot be explained on the ground of the that their remains should be deposited in the country which hatred of the Egyptians to strangers. The correct ex they regarded as their native land, and which was to be planation seems to be this :-It belonged to the Egyptian possessed by their descendants, does not call for particular sense of propriety to go with shorn hair and beard, and elucidation. It is a frequent occurrence among ourselves only thus could any person appear before the king (comp- for the remains of persons of consideration who have died ch. xli. 14). But while mourning they were not permitted abroad, to be brought home for interment. We have all to shave. Herodotus says :— Among other nations it is read of the practice among the American Indians of carrythe custom in mourning for the relatives to shave the head, ing away with them the bones of their fathers, when the but the Egyptians, when an individual dies, leave the hair, encroaching white men obliged them to migrate from their which was before cut off, to grow upon the head and chin' ancient seats. (Enterpe, 36).
26. · He was put in a coffin.'—This is certainly men. 7,8. Joseph went up.....and with him all the servants tioned here as a distinction. Coffins have never been of Pharaoh, the elders of his house, and all the elders of the much used in the East, although great personages have land of Egypt, and all the house of Joseph and his brethren.' | occasionally been deposited in marble sarcophagi. The custom was and is to wrap the body up closely in wrappers, | ing some doubt upon the knowledge of Egypt possessed by or to swathe it with bandages, and so bury it, or deposit it the author of Genesis, seeing that a sarcophagus of stone in the excavated sepulchre. In Egypt, coffins were more | might seem more properly to belong to a person of such in use than any where else, but still the common people high distinction as Joseph. But a closer examination shows were obliged to dispense with them. On the other hand, that this expression is directly in favour of the credibility persons of wealth or distinction had two, three, or even of the Pentateuch. Coffins of stone (basalt) were very four coffins, one within the other.
rare exceptions, perhaps only used for royal personages, Herodotus says that, after the embalming, the relatives whereas those of wood were in general use. And in the of the deceased take away the body, and make a wooden case of Joseph, his order respecting the removal of his image in the shape of a man, and place the body in it. remains, probably prevented his friends from thinking of When it is thus enclosed, they put it in the apartment for a stone sarcophagus for his remains. The workmanship the dead, setting it upright against the wall' (Euterpe, 86). of the wooden coffins, and the number of those within The Hebrew word employed in the text, in aron, denotes each other, sufficed to denote high rank, even without a that the coffin was of wood, and has been mentioned as throw. | stone sarcophagus.
THE SECOND BOOK OF MOSES,
E X OD U S.
This designation of the second book of the Pentateuch is taken directly from the Greek "Exodos, varying only in the Latinised termination us for os. The word signifies a going forth, departure, or migration ; and, like the other Greek titles of the Pentateuch, is descriptive of the principal or leading events of the book itself, which here is the going forth of the Israelites from their bondage in Egypt. , In the Hebrew the title is, as usual, derived from the initial words of the book itself, and is nina ve-elleh shemoth,' and these are the names.'
With respect to the authorship, there is not much to add to the considerations which have been adduced at the commencement of this work, to show that Moses was the author of the whole Pentateuch; but the additions with reference to this particular book are, although few, very explicit and important. In Exod. xxiv. 4, Moses himself testifies that he wrote all the words of the Lord,' uttered on a certain occasion; and these words, so written, are contained in the present book. Our Lord, when citing a passage from this book, in Mark xii. 26, calls it the book of Moses.' Again, in Luke xx. 37, he says, “Now that the dead are raised, even Moses showed at the bush. It is also to be observed that the books of the Old Testament are spoken of in the New as being divided into two grand classes — Moses and the Prophets,' Luke xvi. 31, and “the Law and the Prophets,' Luke xvi. 16;implying that all the Scriptures, besides the prophets,' were written by Moses; which is to say that the books of the law were written by him. The date assigned to this book by the authorship of Moses has however been violently impugned by the neological writers of the Continent, who, from the supernatural and extraordinary character of the contents, have been unusually solicitous to prove it the production of an age long posterior to that to which the events themselves are ascribed. De Wette and others have laboured hard to mark out in the book itself the traces of various fragments and documents of which they suppose to have been in that later age composed, and to discover other signs of a post-Mosaical origin. But Hengstenberg, Havernick, and others, have most satisfactorily disposed of all their illustrations and arguments. Thus, it is alleged that the law contained in Exod. xxiii. 9, seems to apply to a later condition of the people, when settled in Palestine. The answer is, that regulations respecting strangers were of importance to the people, even during their sojourn in the desert; especially since a number of Egyptians had joined the Israelites, and stood to them in the relation of strangers. The definition of omer as the tenth part of an ephah in ch. xvi. 36, is another of the passages adduced, as implying that changes had taken place in the Hebrew measures in the interval between the date of the transaction and that of the composition of the book. But the answer is, that the Hebrew word OMER does not indicate a definite measure, but merely a vessel, the size of which it was therefore necessary to specify by giving it exact measurement. In ch. vi. 26, 27, the critics of this class consider that they can recognise the hand of a later author, who refers to Moses and Aaron, and describes their character. A very slight attention to the preceding genealogy and to the descriptive style of the Pentateuch, will however suffice to shew that even a contemporary writer might have spoken in the way that Moses does in these passages. Some other passages, upon which objections of this kind have been founded, will be indicated in the notes appended to them. But we cannot find a better place than this to point out the abundant and constantly increasing verifications which the circumstances recorded in the early chapters receive from antiquarian and historical research, which has produced ample materials for testing the accuracy of the particulars which relate to Egypt and the Egyptians. The result of such comparison shews that the author had a most thorough knowledge of Egyptian institutions and of the spirit that pervaded them; nor do we anywhere discover facts or incidents at variance with the usages and manners of that extraordinary people, or incompatible with their institutions, or with the state of the country. The book does in fact contain a multitude of incidents and detailed descriptions, which have gained new force from the modern discoveries in the great and interesting field of Egyptian antiquities. Numerous examples will be produced in the notes; and the reader will find more in Hengstenberg's interesting work, Die Bücher Moses und Aegypten (* The Books of Moses and Egypt'), and in the
Pictorial History of Palestine. The description of the journey of the Israelites through the desert, also, evinces such a thorough acquaintance with the localities, as excites the most clear conviction on the part of the most careful and scientific travellers of our own time of the authenticity of the Pentateuch. In proof of this, see Raumer's Der Zug der Israeliten aus Aegypten nach Canaan ( Journey of the Israelites from Egypt to Canaan'), and compare Robinson's Biblical Researches in Palestine. The great Passover festival, of which the origin is described in this book, is not less replete in its corroborative indications ;—but we postpone to the notes the suitable remarks on this and other points of importance.
The period embraced by the history of this book is usually reckoned at 142 years, composed thus : --From the death of Joseph to the birth of Moses, 60 years ;– from the birth of Moses to the departure from Egypt, 80 years ;—from the departure out of Egypt to the erection of the tabernacle, 1 year. Some computations make the first interval 63 years, which would raise the whole period to 145 years; but the difference is scarcely of sufficient consequence to render an explanation of it necessary. Nearly the whole of the book is occupied in the detail of circumstances which occurred in the last year of the entire period.
With this book commences the real history of the Israelites as a people. It begins by de. scribing the oppressions to which they were subjected under a new dynasty of Egyptian kings, ch. i. It then proceeds to furnish particulars respecting the birth and early life of Moses, chap. ii. ; and then gives a full account of the circumstances which attended his divine appointment to deliver the Israelites from their great affiction, ch. iii. iv. 1-29. Several chapters which follow describe the course of proceeding adopted by Moses under the divine direction, and detail the circumstances attending the infliction of the first eight plagues upon the Egyptians, ch. iv. 29–3. 21. The institution of the Passover is then related, ch. xii. 21-1; after which an account is given of the two remaining plagues inflicted upon the Egyptians, x. 21-xii. 31 ; followed by the actual exodus of the Israelites from the land of Egypt, xii. 31-37, 40–42. We have there a full account of the wandering of the Israelites from their leaving Rameses in Egypt till they reached Mount Sinai, ch, xii. 37-40, to xix. 2. Moses then goes up into the mountain, and the people prepare themselves for the renewal of the covenant, ch. xix. ; after which the moral law is delivered, ch. xx. ; and subsequently the moral and ceremonial law, ch. xxi.-xxxi. The idolatry into which the Israelites fell, their punishment, and the renewal of the covenant are next recorded, ch. xxxii.-xxxiv. The offerings made for the tabernacle are then enumerated, and its construction described, ch. XXXV.-xxxix.; and the book concludes with the erection of the sacred structure, and its being covered with the cloud by which the Divine Presence was manifested, ch. xl.
There are few separate commentaries on Exodus, and most of those few, although nominally distinct, are, in fact, but portions of larger works. But the literature of Exodus is nevertheless very extensive, as most of its material facts have been the subjects of numerous treatises and dissertations, some of which will be named in the notes. It now suffices to specify the following works :-Cartwright, Electa Targumico-Rabbinico, sive Annott. in Exodum, Lond. 1653; Ainsworth, Annotations upon the Second Book of Moses called Exodus, Lond. 1639; Lightfoot, Handful of Gleanings out of Exodus; Willet, Hexapla in Exodum, Lond. 1608; Rivett, Commentar. in Lib. II. Mosis, qui Exodus inscribitur, Leyden, 1654 ; Haitsma, Commentar. ad Libr. S. Exodum, Franc. 1771; Hopkins, Erodus, a corrected Translation with Notes, Lond. 1784; J. a S. Cruce, Libri Exodi 'Egunveic critico-literalis in locis obscuris e polyglottis tentata, Heidelb. 1778 ; Bertholdt, De Rebus a Mose in Ægypto gestis ad illustr. Ecodi capp. i.-xiv., Erlang. 1795; on the same chapters Hengstenberg's book, already cited, Die Bücher Moses und Aegypten, furnishes an interesting and valuable set of illustrations. The most recent separate commentary is that of Professor Bush in his Notes on Exodus, New York, 1843, into which most of our own notes on the book, in the first edition of the present work, have been transcribed.
12 "But the more they afflicted them, the | The children of Israel, after Joseph's death, do mul- more they multiplied and grew. And they
tiply. 8 The more they are oppressed by a new king, were grieved because of the children of the more they multiply. 15 The godliness of the Israel. midwives, in saving the men children alive. 22 Pharaoh commandeth the male children to be cast
13 And the Egyptians made the children of into the river.
Israel to serve with rigour :
14 And they made their lives bitter with OW 'these are the hard bondage, in morter, and in brick, and in names of the children all manner of service in the field : all their of Israel, which came | service, wherein they made them serve, was into Egypt; every | with rigour. man and his houshold 15 And the king of Egypt spake to the came with Jacob. Hebrew midwives, of which the name of the
2 Reuben, Simeon, one was Shiphrah, and the name of the other Levi, and Judah, Puah :
3 Issachar, Zebu- 1 16 And he said, When ye do the office of a
lun, and Benjamin, midwife to the Hebrew women, and see them 4 Dan, and Naphtali, Gad, and Åsher. upon the stools ; if it be a son, then ye shall 5 And all the souls that came out of the kill him: but if it be a daughter, then she shall
ls. for Joseph | live. Ploins of Jacob were seventy souls: for Joseph was in Egypt already.
17 But the midwives feared God, and did 6 And Joseph died, and all his brethren, not as the king of Egypt commanded them, but and all that generation.
saved the men children alive. 7 *And the children of Israel were fruit- 18 And the king of Egypt called for the ful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, midwives, and said unto them, Why have ye and waxed exceeding mighty; and the land done this thing, and have saved the men chilwas filled with them.
dren alive? 8 | Now there arose up a new king over 19 And the midwives said unto Pharaoh, Egypt, which knew not Joseph.
Because the Hebrew women are not as the 9 And he said unto his people, Behold, the Egyptian women; for they are lively, and are people of the children of Israel are more and delivered ere the midwives come in unto mightier than we:
10 Come on, let us deal wisely with them; 20 Therefore God dealt well with the midlest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, wives : and the people multiplied, and waxed when there falleth out any war, they join also very mighty. unto our enemies, and fight against us, and so 21 And it came to pass, because the midget them up out of the land.
wives feared God, that he made them houses. 11 Therefore they did set over them task 22 | And Pharaoh charged all his people, masters to afflict them with their burdens. saying, Every son that is born ye shall cast And they built for Pharaoh treasure cities, into the river, and every daughter ye shall save Pithom and Raamses.
alive. I Gen, 46.8. Chap. 6. 14.
3 Gen. 46. 27. Deut. 10. 22. 5 Heb. And as they afflicted them, so they multiplied, &c.
4 Acts 7. 17.
Verse 8. There arose up a new king over Egypt, which intelligent inquirers. It has, indeed, been regarded by knew not Joseph.'— In the note on Gen. xlvi. 34, we have many as an elucidation of the circumstances in the present expressed our conviction that the only way of clearing the chapter, if we impute the changed conduct towards the Ishistory of this period from the confusion which must raelites to the re-intrusion of this pastoral dynasty, of which needs arise from, on the one hand, treating Manetho's state the king who knew not Joseph' was the first sovereign. ment respecting the Hyksos or shepherd-kings as an entire | But if we take Manetho's authority for the leading fact, we fabrication; and, on the other, from regarding it as in all must take it as it stands; and he is so far from describing its parts entitled to equal confidence. We have chosen the. the lepers settled in Avaris (Goshen) - in whom he evimiddle course between these extremes : accepting as true | dently points to the Israelites-as being subjected to opthat portion which has no connection with the Israelites, pression by the returned shepherds, that he says the latter and relating to events completed before the time of Joseph; came at their invitation, and that they together oppressed but rejecting that later portion, in which the expelled shep the Egyptians, and ruled Egypt with a rod of iron, and were herds are, after a long interval, again brought upon the together eventually expelled. The difficulties of admitting stage, and their affairs mixed up with those of the Israel this restoration of the Shepherd dynasty, and of regarding ites settled in Goshen, in a way which we should call clumsy, that event as the cause of that great change which subjected if it had not successfully imposed upon many learned and the Israelites to oppression, are so great, and so much the