Art. 13. A Reply to the Rev. Mr. Fletcher's Vindication of Mr. 12mo. 6 d. Mr. Evans is a lively and fenfible advocate for the freedom of the Colonies, a fpirited controvertift, and a zealous affertor of thofe liberal and noble principles to which we were indebted for the glorious REVOLUTION, and to which the Hanover family is indebted for the crown of these kingdoms.-May both prince and people ever retain a grateful remembrance of such distinguished bleffings! In this Reply, Mr. Evans gives, by way of introduction, á review of the controverfy, on this fubject, between Mr. W. and himself, ith feveral original letters, in which the political verfatility of Mr. efley is feen, in a light not lefs confpicuous than were the manifetations of his religious waverings and felf contradictions, in his former difputes with Mr. Hill and the Calviniftic Methodists. .M In his fecond letter Mr. Evans refutes Mr. F.'s political arguments, on the principles of the conftitution. In letter III. Mr. F.'s reafons from Scripture are fhewn to be inconfiftent, abfurd, and totally inconclufive; and, in a postscript, we have the detail of a little controversy, in the Gloucester Journal, bes tween Mr. Evans and the Dean of Gloucester, on the subject of our prefent coercive measures with refpect to America.-The Dean ftill maintains his favourite doctrine of an amicable separation. Art. 14. Political Empiricifm: A Letter to the Rev. Mr. John Welley. 8vo. 6d. Johnson. Attacks the Author of the "Calm Addrefs," for borrowing Sam Johnson's quarter-staff*, to drub the Americans. The weapons ufed by this Correfpondent of Mr. Wefley's are raillery, and ferious expoftulation. Art. 15. The State of the national Debt, the national Income, and the national Expenditure. With fome fhort Inferences and Reflections, applicable to the prefent dangerous Crifis. By John Earl of Stair. Fol. I S. Almon. This is the production alluded to, in the conclufion of our account of Dr. Price's Obfervations on Civil Liberty, in our last Month's Review; and which we had then only feen in manufcript. It will serve as a very proper fupplement to the Doctor's performance: the calculations and eftimates tend to the fame alarming conclufions; and the Author's reflections are of the fame patriotic caft with those which are interspersed in the celebrated Obfervations. Art. 16. An Enquiry whether the Guilt of the prefent Civil War in America, ought to be imputed to Great Britain or America. 8vo. : 1 s. Donaldfon. Throws the whole blame and guilt of the American war on the Colonifts; whom the Author charges with the most notorious folly, wickedness, and ingratitude. There is a confiderable shew of argument in the pamphlet; and fome ftrictures are offered, in refutation of Dr. Price's notion of government.-The Writer's name has appeared in fome of the advertisements, viz. John Roebuck, M.D. • Taxation no Tyranny. Art. Art. 17. An Addrefs to the People of Great Britain in general, the This Addreffer profeffes to have fubftituted perfuafion for argument, and gentle reproof for bitter invective.' His reproofs of the Colonifts, however, are not fo very gentle as his profeffions of moderation' feem to imply; and he often indulges in a ftrain of invective, which the Americans will probably think bitter enough. As to your reafoning, Gentlemen, your LOCKE's and your ROUSSEAU's, with their ideas of natural equality, inherent rights, original contracts, and delegated power, he fairly kicks them all out of the question: thefe ideas, he fays, have existence only in the heads of fuch vain philofophers, who think human reafon degraded, if the cannot bring every object of knowledge to the test of rational investigation.' After having thrown out a remark at once fo fagacious and deci. five, our reasoning Readers will probably think that this Author was very right in declining the weapons of argument, and taking the field with thofe of perfuafion only. Indeed we totally agree with him in opinion, that every thing which argument could do in this cafe, has been done; that the ground being now changed, and a verbal turned into a military conteft;-the law of felf-preservation, that primary law of nature, calls upon us to change our weapons alfo.What those weapons ought to be, our Author has determined: the only alternative in this conteft, he apprehends, is kill or be killed: and therefore, the end of all his perfuafion is, on the part of this kingdom, unanimity of fentiment, and combination of power.'Undoubtedly! or (on our Author's principles) we are a ruined nation. Though this Writer declares fo ftrongly against the use of argument, in our present fituation with respect to America, he reasons very well on fome points, and throws out many fenfible remarks. Art. 18. A Letter to the Noblemen, Gentlemen, &c. who have addreffed his Majefty, on the Subject of the American Rebellion. A 8vo. I S. Cadell. 1776. on ⚫ Written with a defign fimilar to that of the foregoing Address; but Art, Art. 19. A Letter to Lord George Germaine. 8vo. IS. Almon. 1776. .. Written, as the Author expreffes it, in hopes to divert, from the most ruinous project that this nation was ever engaged in,' the noble ftatefman to whom this remonstrance is addreffed This great effect the Writer endeavours to produce, by a terrifying difplay of the great and inevitable difadvantages under which we must carry on the war in America. He fets forth, very circumftantially, the prodigious numbers, and alarming power, of the United Colonifts, by fea and land; and enumerates (with all the confidence of perfect information) the unfurmountable difficulties that will impede, in particular, the operations of our land-forces, in every province. In short, Hills peep o'er hills, and Alps on Alps arife. To be brief, according to this very cavalier Writer, it will be impoffible for us to fucceed in the attempt of forcing the Americans to fubmiffion. Nay, he roundly tells his Lordship, that all is loft;'-but, in the conclufion, comforts him with an affurance that all may yet be recovered, by a fiugle fiat, peace and libertyWhat the Author precifely means by liberty-whether he is for Dr. Tucker's plan, and would declare the Colonifts independent, or only for complying with their avowed demands, is not explained. His letter, however, is written with Spirit,-perhaps with fomething more. Art. 20. Obedience the best Charter; or, Law the only Sanétion of Liberty. In a Letter to the Rev. Dr. Price. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Richardfon and Urquhart. 1776. This Writer is one of the most fanguine and most severe of all Dr. Price's numerous antagonists. He treats the Doctor as a mere factious demagogue, or what is, if poffible, yet more contemptible, as the tool and dupe of others, more factious and more defigning than himself. He is indeed more civil to Dr. Price than ufual, when he declares himself willing to think him' inconscionfly the took of a party; and that by incautiously adopting their train of thinking and mode of expreffion,' the Doctor is fometimes led into a phrafeology by no means characteristic either of his temper or writings.' In characterising the Doctor's OBSERVATIONS, &c. he thas fums up the demerits of that celebrated performance: Intead of a cool, difpaffionate inquiry, rational strictures on the prefent plan of ope rations, or even a decent remonftrance against it, we have nothing but declaration without certainty, cenfure without lenity, opinion without moderation, petulance without fpirit, invectives without dignity or force, a disjointed and inconfiftent medley of politics, every thing affumed, nothing eftablished, a method imperfect and perplexed, and a compofition loofe, inelegant, and tawdry!? But if our Author bears hard on Dr. Price, he is a thousand times more harsh with the Americans; whom he reprefents as 'the mot worthlefs of mankind; as wretches, in whofe breafts the blackest treafon rankles, while devotion fhades their faces, and rebellion fumes in their hearts.' Their profeffed tenets, fays he, are famous for gilding a rotten heart, a fulky temper, and a hollow practice.They have got a jumble of abstractions among them, which they think orthodox, merely because unintelligible, which is all found and and fyftem without reality or life, and which is not half fo much connected with the Gofpel as with Ariftotle's Categories.-They feem to have light without heat, faith without love, hope without charity; believe, but obey not the truth; fay much, but do nothing; are every where speaking well of religion, but ill of one another; perpetually chiming the greatest of all truths, and as perpetually difhonouring them in their practice :'-with a great deal more of the fame kind and charitable fort; and which, if it were true, would, in fome measure, justify his inference, that the worst we could do against them would not furpafs their deferts. From thefe fpecimens, our Readers might conclude that this railer could only rail; but we must do him the juftice to acknowledge, that, though inaccurate in his language, he can occafionally cloath his fentiments with great plaufibility, even where he seems to be pleading the caufe of defpotifm; and that he fometimes expreffes himself with uncommon force and fpirit. He has many threwd obfervations on mankind, as they ftand related to one another in fociety, and on the nature of government in general; but a tinc-' ture of Toryifm gives a colour to the whole. that will by no means appear lovely in the eyes of thofe who are friends to liberty. His pamphlet is chiefly intended to refute the Doctor's fantaflic notions of government.' to repel his violent attacks on the prevailing party in parliament,' and to flem that indifcriminating torrent of abufe which' (according to our Author) the Doctor pours fo liberally on all who differ from him.' Art. 21. Curfory Obfervations upon Dr. Price's Effay on Civil Liberty, particularly relating to Specie and Paper Currency; by which feveral of his Positions are proved erroneous, and most of his Deductions utterly fallacious. Published with a View to remove the Prejudices which might affect the Minds of uninformed Readers,' from a too ready Affent to his Doctrine. 8vo. 6 d. Carnan. . 1776. This Writer coolly and rationally argues the above-mentioned points with Dr. Price, in order to prove that paper-currency is not, as the Doctor maintains, merely the reprefentative of a reprefentative (coin), the fign of a fign,-but really the reprefentative of fubftantial property that confequently no danger is to be apprehended from its circulation-that there is room for more in the marketthat it is capable of being governed by fixed rules and criterions, fo as to prevent the evils arifing from an immoderate flow of accommodative paper at the fame time that, by its means, a ready affistance can be given to government by occafional advances upon fuch pledges as government offer, and merchants or Bank directors think proper to lend upon.' If Bank-notes,' continues the remarker, were vifionary, iffued out without property fomewhere depofited as a pledge to the Bank correfponding to the nominal value of fuch notes, then much mischief might be expected. But upon every inquiry.I can make, I cannot find any note iffued without correfponding fecurity. If to government-government fecurities are pledged, certain duties arifing from taxes or levies of one kind or other are made over. The idea of property still is annexed to the paper-and fuch loans are in the abstract no more than the anticipation of property, paid to government through the medium of paper, fome little time before the property was due or receivable.' With refpect to the national debt, our Author thinks that, enormous as it may be, the Doctor's eftimate of it is equally erroneous with his eftimation of paper. It is ufually compared,' he obferves, with the circulating fpecie. From the fmallnefs of this, and the largeness of the other, many horrible confequences are drawn.Would it be fair in private life to eftimate a man's riches by the money he carries about him, or lays by in his bureau -No-in private life we make different and more rational eftimates.-The worth or riches of a man are judged of by his poffeffions of all kinds.-Why fhould we not in public concern take as wide and liberal a ground to argue upon ?' On the whole, this moderate and fenfible Writer concludes, That the idea of national poverty is not founded upon fact or argument. That our refources are great, and nearly inexhaustible.That our prospects upon entering into a war are far from gloomy and unpromising, in what refpects the railing fupplies.-That the national debt, however great, is not out of proportion to the immenfe property and riches of the nation at large. In short, that we are a much happier and more flourishing people than can be met with throughout Europe-and therefore, in all refpects, a sturdy match for any adverfaries who may rife up against us.' Art. 22. The plain Question upon the prefent Difpute with our American Colonies. 12mo. 2 d. Wilkie. One great purpose of this little ministerial hand bill, is to prove that there is nothing new or unprecedented in the exercife of parliamentary authority over the Colonies. How far this is a fact, bas been fufficiently and fairly explained by us in the 1ft Article of our Catalogue for Nov. 1774 and the truth refpecting this fubject will juftify conclufions very different from thofe which the prefent Writer and his employers chufe to infer. The Author is indeed aware that it may poffibly be faid, that the power of fubjecting the Colonies to a revenue, and the claim of binding them in all cases whatever, though no innovations of the prefent reign, were nevertheless arbitrary exertions of our authority, which can receive no validity from the length of their ufurpation; and that there is but little difference between the continuance of an oppreffion and the inftitution.' To obviate these remarks, therefore, the Author goes on to affert (what he does not attempt to prove), that the first adventurers to our American fettlements were permitted to coloniza,' under an express condition of always continuing fubject to the acts and authority of parliament. This, however, is not true, nor was any fuch thing intended by the Kings who granted the more early American charters, or expected by those who fettled under fuch charters. The Writer appears indeed to have been very ignorant of the fabject, and very badly inftructed by his employers; and therefore his random affertions diverge from the line of truth in all poffible directions. The Colonies,' fays he, may abuse the indulgence, but 6 they |