⚫ This fum far exceeds the burden of any year during the laft war. The ruinous confequences of it, are plain and inevitable. There is no man in his fenfes, who can fit ferioufly down, and fhew by what refources we can supply such an enormous demand. It is abfolute infanity to fuppofe our funds and our credit will furvive the shock. Nor is it more rational to fuppofe, that a lefs force will fuffice; or that fuch force can be fupported at less expence. Indeed the minifters have already thrown out in parliament, that forty thousand men will be requifite. A lefs number would be an army of inability and irritation. Nor have I indeed an idea that fuch a force, though for midable, will be effectual. It may check, but it cannot conquer America. A war at more than three thousand miles distance, against an enemy we now find united, active, able, and refolute; where every foot of ground is to be won by inches, and at the fame fatal expence with Bunker's hill; in a country where faftnefs grows upon faftness, and labyrinth on labyrinth; where a check is a defeat, and a defeat is ruin it is a war of abfurdity and madness. We fhall fooner pluck the moon from her fphere, than conquer fuch a country. But when we confider all its circumftances; that fuch a war is to be waged by a nation fo exhausted of men that we are obliged to hire foreigners, fo overburdened with debt, that we are finking under its weight; divided and distracted among ourselves, while they are knittogether, like a ftrong man, with one fpirit of enthufiaftic liberty, one fenfe of grievance, and univerfal defperation; I know not with what name of folly and infatuation to brand the attempt.'

At page 81, the Author (as many others have done) proposes a plan of reconcilement with the Colonies, which he introduces and delivers in the following manner:

There is a paffage in the laft humble petition from the Congress to the Throne, which, for its wisdom and humanity, deferves our most serious confideration. "Knowing, fay they, to what violent refentment and incurable animofities civil difcords are apt to exafperate and inflame the contending parties- we think ourselves required, by indifpenfable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majefty, to our fellow-fubjects and ourfelves, immediately to ufe allthe means in our power, not incompatible with our safety, for flopping the further effufion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British empire."

Let us then, equally impreffed with the folemnity of the subject, equally apprised of what must be the fatal confequences of a continuance of these measures, approach the temple of Peace with the fame wife, humane, and hallowed intentions.

The fpirit that has produced thefe difturbances, was narrow, tyrannical, and extortionate. The fpirit that heals them muft be liberal, juft, and generous. Such a fpirit will not only be conciliating but commanding. It will command, as freemen ought to be commanded, by its intrinfic luftre and worth, by the respect, attachment, confidence, and affection which fuch genuine worth procures.. Founded upon fuch fentiments, which I am perfuaded will be productive of the most real benefits, my propofition is fhortly this Repeal all the laws, or parts of laws, of which they have complained. Recal your fleets and armies. Pafs an act of. oblivion. Let his Majesty be graciously pleased to send refpectable

the

governors to his colonies, with inftructions to call affemblies immediately; defire of them to revife the state of their trade, and fhew what reftraints may be removed with profit to them, and without lofs to us. If upon due revision here, this should appear to be fact, let those restraints be removed accordingly. Then let requifitions be made for the grant of fuch supplies from them, as may contribute. to the payment of the national debt.

This is my plan. By the first part of it, you will regain their confidence and affection-by the second, you will open new fources for their induftry and enterprise to acquire wealth-by the laft, you will furnish them the wifhed-for opportunity of evincing the incerity of their profeffions, by contributing liberally and largely, out of their acquifitions, to the neceffities of the Mother-Country. I have ftipulated no declarations on our fide-no tefts on theirs. Every thing is left to the filent operation of that confidence and affection which I am fure a liberal and generous conduct will infpire. If we are incapable of conceiving this, or of trufting to it; all I can fay is, that we are incapable of governing fuch a body of freemen. They must be cultivated, not coerced. From conciliation we may expect every thing--from compulfion nothing. Till we learn this lefon--till we remember that free fpirits may be led, but cannot be driven; we shall never know the true art of governing.'

The appeal concludes with the following words: I have thus delivered my thoughts upon this momentous fubject. Out of the fulness of the heart, the tongue fpeaketh. I have much indulgence to ask for the present, as well as many thanks to return for the partiality with which my former appeal was received. I have endeavoured to fhew my gratitude, by faithfully pointing out the folly that prompts, and the ruin that awaits, the profecution of this unnatural war. But I am afraid the die is thrown, and we must stand the hazard. I am afraid that good men have nothing now to do, but to weep over, what they cannot prevent-the ruin of their country. O patria! O Divum domus Ilium ! & inclyta bello

Mania Dardanidum!'

B. Art. 12. Journal of the Proceedings of the Congress, held at Philadelphia, May 10th, 1775. Publifhed by Order of the Congrefs, 8vo. 3 s. Almon.

The Philadelphia impreffion of this journal, of which a copy is now before us, concludes with the following atteftation, viz. The above is a copy of the Journal of the Proceedings of the Congrefs, from their meeting on the 10th of May to this time (Aug. 1.) except that fome refolutions relative to military operations carrying on, are omitted. John Hancock Prefident, &c.' But in Mr. Almon's edition, that part of this atteftation which is printed in Italics, has been totally and we think very unjustifiably omitted.-Of the journal itself, a great part of its contents have already appeared in the English newspapers. Of the part which has not been thus published, we shall make a few extracts.

TUESDAY, May 30th, 1775.

The Congress met according to adjournment.

A member informed the Congrefs, that a gentleman juft arrived from London, had brought him a paper, which he fays he received from Lord North, and which was written, at the defire of his lord

ship,

hip, by Mr. Gray Cooper, under-fecretary to the treafury; and as the gentleman understood it to be his lordship's defire that it should be communicated to the Congrefs, for that purpofe he had put it into his hands. The member farther obferved, that he had hewn the paper to a member near him, who was well acquainted with the hand-writing of Mr. Cooper, and that he verily believes the paper was written by Mr. Cooper.

The paper being read, is as follows:

"That it is earnestly hoped by all the real friends of the Americans, that the terms expreffed in the Refolution of the 20th of Feb. laft, will be accepted by all the Colonies, who have the least affection for their King and country, or a juft fenfe of their own intereft. "That these terms are honourable for Great Britain, and safe for the Colonies.

"That if the Colonies are not blinded by faction, these terms will remove every grievance relative to taxation, and be the bafis of a compact between the Colonies and the Mother Country.

"That the people in America ought, on every confideration, to be fatisfied with them.

"That no further relaxation can be admitted.

The temper aud fpirit of the nation are fo mnch against conceffions, that if it were the intention of Adminiftration, they could not carry the question.

"But Administration have no fuch intention, as they are fully and firmly perfuaded, that further conceffions would be injurious to the Colonies as well as to Great Britain.

"That there is not the least probability of a change of Adminiftration.

"That they are perfectly united in opinion, and determined to purfue the molt effectual meafures, and to ufe the whole force of the kingdom, if it be found neceffary, to reduce the rebellious and refractory provinces and colonies.

"There is fo great a spirit in the nation against the Congrefs, that the people will bear the temporary diftreffes of the ftoppage of the American trade.

"They may depend on this to be true."

'Ordered, To lie on the table.'

On the 13th of July, the Congrefs agreed on what are called talks to the Indians,', in which they explain, in a manner fuited to the comprehenfions of thofe uncivilifed people, the nature and origin of the difputes between the Colonies of Great Britain, and afterwards proceed as follows:

Brothers and Friends!

We defire you will hear and receive what we have now told you, and that you will open a good ear and liften to what we are now going to fay. This is a family quarrel between us and Old England. You Indians are not concerned in it. We don't wish you to take up the hatchet against the King's troops. We defire you to remain at home and not join either fide; but keep the hatchet buried deep. In the name and behalf of all our people we afk and defire you to love peace and maintain it, and to love and fympathize with us in our troubles; Rav, Feb. 1776.

M

that

that the path may be kept open with all our people and yours, to pafs and repafs, without moleftation.

• Brothers! we live upon the fame ground with you. The fame ifland is our common birth-place. We defire to fit down under the fame tree of peace with you: let us water its roots and cherish its growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the fetting fun, and reach the fkies.

Brothers, obferve well!

What it is we have afked of you!-Nothing but peace, notwithstanding our prefent difturbed fituation-and if application fhould be made to you by any of the King's unwife and wicked minifters, to join on their fide, we only advife you to deliberate with great caution, and in your wifdom look forward to the confequences of a compliance. For if the King's troops take away our property; and destroy us who are of the fame blood with themfelves, what can you, who are Indians, expect from them afterwards?'

If our miniftry have, as is faid, endeavoured to incite the Savages to commit hoftilities on the colonists, this extraft will fhew that the Congrefs have not retaliated, by the fame barbarous endeavour.

On the 25th of July, the Congrefs agreed to the following fenfible addrefs to the affembly of Jamaica, viz.

Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Affembly of Jamaica,

We would think ourselves deficient in our duty, if we fuffered: this Congrefs to pafs over without expreffing our esteem for the Affembly of Jamaica.

• Whoever attends to the conduct of those who have been entrusted with the adminiftration of British affairs, during thefe laft twelve years, will discover in it a deliberate plan to deftroy, in every part of the empire, the free conftitution, for which Britain has been fo long and fo justly famed. With a dexterity, artful and wicked, they have varied the modes of attack, according to the different characters: and circumstances of thofe whom they meant to reduce. In the Eaft Indies, where the effeminacy of the inhabitants promised an easy conqueft, they thought it unneceffary to veil their tyrannic principles under the thinneft difguife. Without deigning even to pretend a juftification of their conduct, they facrificed the lives of millions to the gratification of their infatiable avarice and luft of power. In Britain, where the maxims of freedom were ftill known, but where luxury and dif fipation had diminished the wonted reverence for them, the attack has been carried on in a more fecret and indirect manner: corruption has been employed to undermine them. The Americans are not enervated by effeminacy, like the inhabitants of India; nor debauched by luxury, like thofe of Great Britain: it was therefore judged improper to affail them by bribery, or by undifguifed force. Plaufible fyftems were formed; fpecious pretences were made: all the arts of fophiftry were tried to fhew, that the British miniftry had, by law, a right to enflave us. The first and best maxims of the conftitution, venerable to Britons and to Americans, were perverted and prophaned. The power of Parliament derived from the people to bind the people, was extended over thofe from whom it was never derived. It is afferted, that a ftanding army may be conftitutionally kept among us," without

6

without our confent. These principles, dishonourable to those who adopted them, and deftructive to thofe, to whom they were applied, were nevertheless carried into execution by the foes of liberty and of Mankind; acts of parliament, ruinous to America, and unferviceable to Britain, were made to bind us. Armies, maintained by the Parliament, were fent over to fecure their operation. The power, however, and the cunning of our adverfaries, were alike unfuccefsful. We refufed to their Parliament an obedience, which our judgment difapproved of: we refufed to their armies a fubmiffion, which fpirits unaccustomed to flavery could not brook.

But while we fpurned a difgraceful fabjection, we were far from running into rash and feditious meafures of oppofition. Filled with fentiments of loyalty to our Sovereign, and of affection and respect for our fellow-fubjects in Britain; we petitioned, we fupplicated, we expoftulated:-our prayers were rejected :—our remonstrances were difregarded:-our grievances were accumulated. All this did not provoke us to violence.

An appeal to the justice and humanity of those, who had injured us and were bound to redress our injuries, was ineffectual; we next refolved to make an appeal to their intereft; though by doing fo we knew we must facrifice our own, and (which gave us equal uneasiness) that of our friends, who had never offended us, and who were conneated with us by a fympathy of feelings under oppreflions fimilar to our own. We refolved to give up our commerce, that we might preferve, our liberty. We flattered ourselves, that when, by withdrawing our commercial intercourfe with Britain, which we had an undoubted right either to withdraw or to continue, her trade should be diminished, her revenues impaired, and her manufactures unemployed, our minifterial foes would be induced by intereft, or compelled by neceffity, to depart from the plan of tyranny which they had fo long purfued, and to fubftitute in its place, a fyftem more compatible with the freedom of America, and the juftice of Britain. That this scheme of non-importation and non-exportation might be productive of the defired effects, we were obliged to include the inlands in it. From this neceffity, and from this neceffity alone, has our conduct towards them proceeded. By converting your fugar plantations into fields of grain, you can fupply yourselves with the neceffaries of life: while the prefent unhappy struggle shall continue, we cannot do more.

• But why should we make any apology to the patriotic Affembly of Jamaica, who know fo well the value of liberty; who are so fenfible of the extreme danger to which ours is expofed; and who foresee how certainly the deftruction of ours must be followed by the deftruction of their own?

• We receive uncommon pleasure from cbferving the principles of our righteous oppofition diftinguished by your approbation: we feel the warmest gratitude for your pathetic mediation in our behalf with the crown. It was indeed unavailing-but are you to blame?Mournful experience tells us, that petitions are often rejected, while the fentiments aud conduct of the petitioners entitle what they offer to a happier fate.

That our petitions have been treated with difdain is now become the fmallest part of our complaint: minifteria! infolence is loft