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which Mr Gladstone delivered to Scotland," and to have pointed out his Nonconformist admirers; but to us in glowing terms the “hard we observe with regret that in his case" of Ireland and “poor little allusion to “the important ques- Wales” being tyrannised over by a tion of Disestablishment," he was majority composed of Scotch and unable to restrain his anti-Unionist English members. According to sympathies, or to forbear from an- the doctrine now laid down, the other attack upon the integrity of value to be attached to a majority the Empire. Once more declaring depends upon its inclination or disthat the question of Disestablish- inclination towards Mr Gladstone's ment ought to be decided, in Scot- own views and opinions. If the land, according to the wishes of majority of English members hapthe Scotch, and, in Wales, accord- pened to be Gladstonian, whilst ing to the wishes of the Welsh Scotland and Wales had returned people, he went on to ask, “What a large Unionist majority, does is the use of our saying that, as anybody suppose that we should long as England returns to the have heard such denunciations of House of Commons a majority the preponderating power of Engsufficiently strong to prevent dis- land? The truth is that such talk cussion on any subject whatever, in the mouth of any other man except such as the Government of would be condemned as childish the day, by the help of the dis- nonsense ; and it is utterly unsentient Liberals, choose to place worthy of Mr Gladstone, unless before it. This is a hard case." and until he openly declares himMr Gladstone's ideas upon the self in favour of a divided kingsubject of parliamentary and re- dom, the abolition of the Imperial presentative government appear Parliament, and the establishment to be confused and contradictory. of separate assemblies for each If there is to be a United King- nationality (why not dom and a National Parliament, it county ?) in the united-or disappears preposterous to question united_countries. and cavil at the component parts

Mr Gladstone's object, however, of the majority which, after an in the delivery of this particular appeal to the country, sways that speech, must not be forgotten, Parliament and supports the Gov- though it cannot excuse his line ernment of its choice. Mr Glad- of argument. His one thonght at stone's anti-English predilections the moment was to induce Nonare painfully, evident, and have conformity to range itself as one arisen and increased in strength in man under his banners; hence he proportion to the decline of his came as near as he dared come influence and prestige among Eng- to the open advocacy of Disestablish constituencies. Should the lishment, and hence he more than growing strength of the Constitu- hinted that in those parts of the tional and Unionist party in Scot- kingdom where Noncomformists are land result in the return at the in the majority, he would allow the next election of a majority opposed advocates of Disestablishment to to the Separatist followers of Mr have their way. Certainly he Gladstone, we are quite prepared made somewhat large demands to see a melancholy diminution in upon the credulity of his hearers the affection which that eminent when, in the repetition of those misstatesman entertains for “dear old representations of Irish history of

which he never wearies, he magni. interference with exultation, and fied the clemency and forbearance in uses it as another argument to the past of Irish Catholics towards show that the Unionists can only the Protestants, absolutely ignored count upon England, and that in the massacre of 1641, and ridiculed doing so they are ignoring the the idea of the persecution of Pro- opinion of every other part of the testants by a Catholic Irish Parlia- empire. ment. Nonconformists, however, When, in addition to the points are people who can read and think in this remarkable speech to which for themselves, and those who have we have called attention, we concarefully studied Irish history will sider the strange misrepresentasmile at the gloss which Mr Glad- tions in which Mr Gladstone instone throws over the deeds of dulged with respect to the recent those whom it is his cue to favour controversies, in and out of Parto-day, and, if they have anything liament, respecting the connection of the spirit of their forefathers, between “Parnellism and crime,” will protest against that shameful and the still more extraordinary disparagement of England, and manner in which he attempted to exaltation of the Irish, in which Mr explain away his former utterGladstone so recklessly indulges, in ances with regard to "crime dogutter defiance alike of patriotic ging the footsteps of the Land feeling and of historical accuracy. League,” and 'Mr Parnell's party Equally disgraceful is the manner marching through rapine to the in which Mr Gladstone refers to dismemberment of the empire,” the recent action of the Canadian we cannot help coming to the conParliament, in passing a resolution clusion that in this exhibition at in favour of Home Rule being Dr Parker's, Mr Gladstone has granted to Ireland. Everybody really surpassed himself in his knows that resolutions of this kind, efforts to mislead public opinion, whether passed in Canada or Ame- and must have enormously lowered rica, must be taken with a large the opinion entertained of him by discount, by reason of the value his old supporters. For indeed, of the Irish vote in American and many of these have only left him Canadian elections. It was, how- gradually and with great relucever, an impertinent and improper tance; they have long cherished the action on the part of the Canadian highest admiration of his talents Parliament, and one which was and character, and have scarcely taken in opposition to the opinion trusted their own judgment when of Canada's best and ablest states- they found themselves unable to men. Had it been so taken in agree with and follow his views condemnation of any measure of upon particular questions. But Mr Gladstone's, we can conceive their alienation, though gradual, the eloquent burst of indignation has been sure. Common consistwith which he would have de. ency—or, if consistency be a thing nounced it, and the scathing terms of the past, common honesty-has in which he would have read the been unable to keep pace with the Canadian Parliament a lesson upon turnings and twistings of Mr the impropriety of its interference Gladstone's teachings; and some with the legislature of the United of those who have trusted him the Kingdom. Under existing circum- most, and have brought themselves stances, however, he quotes this to believe that, at all events in every fresh political departure, he reed shaken with the wind,” has had acted conscientiously and per- hardly the right to condemn, after suaded himself that he was right, this unsparing fashion, the men find themselves utterly unable to with whom he acted up to a recent hug themselves any longer in this period, and the party from whom belief, and turn away with averted he received a generous and hearty looks and sorrowful eyes from the support when his old leader was leader who has trampled under stabbing him in the back at the foot, one by one, all those prin- general election. But no one disciples of unselfish patriotism which putes that Sir George Trevelyan elevate the nature of a man and is an honest man; and although ennoble the career of a statesman. he has unhappily come once more

Mr Gladstone's latest adherent under the glamour of Mr Gladis the man whom he has perhaps stone, it is worth while to scrutinused worse than any other of his ise the arguments by which he followers. nere is something defends this last eccentricity of touching in the Christian forgive- a weak but well-meaning nature. ness with which Sir George Trevel- One palpable vein is perceptible yan once more sits humbly at the throughout the whole of that feet of the leader who showed a speech at the “Eighty Club ” on spirit so entirely the reverse and the 16th May, in which Sir opposite when the Border Burghs' George gives to the world the election was in question. Indeed carefully prepared justification of the relentless persecution (for it his desertion of Lord Hartington was nothing less) with which Mr and the Unionists. Party first Gladstone and his clique visited -principles afterwards," is the every Liberal Unionist at the last idea paramount in the Trevelyan general election must be well re- mind. “ The Liberal party must be membered, and brought to mind held together"_to accomplish this when we come to-day to gauge object should be the main end and the sincerity of those Gladstonian object of a Liberal ; and this should orators who are proclaiming far have dominated every other feeling and wide the cruel and unnatural in other breasts, as it has in the conduct of the Liberal Unionists" breast of Sir George Trevelyan. in“ getting their back to the wall,” By the light of this overpowerand organising ” with the view ing idea, Sir George's speech is of preserving their own existence. easy of comprehension. He was This is a proceeding which, in his in favour of the Union. Many present state of mind, Sir George Gladstonians have all along avowed Trevelyan utterly condemns, and, the same feeling, utterly ignoring having crept back “ into the fold" the fact that Mr Gladstone himunder the cover of the “ Crimes self, recklessly perverting and exBill," he lectures his recent com- aggerating the history of the time, panions in misfortune in a some- has never ceased, since his adopwhat pharisaical strain, and endea- tion of the Home Rule platform, vours to show that on their side to vilify the passing of the Union lies all the blame for the schism and its authors in such a manner in the Liberal party. There are as would be ridiculous if he really those who would say that Sir believed that Union to be for the George Trevelyan, who has shown benefit of the two islands. But himself, after all, to be but “a Sir George Trevelyan was so truly in favour of the Union, and so sider the “unity" of any mere much opposed to Mr Gladstone's political party as their first object. assault upon it, that he suffered The cause of the Union is just as political death for the sake of his much a great and a national cause opinions upon this question. And as when Sir George Trevelyan when he pointedly minimises the thought so last year. Yet to-day extent of his differences with Mr he calmly declares that “of all Gladstone at the time of the the parties in the House of ComHawick election, in order to show mons, the “Liberal Unionists, as that he is still practically un- long as they insist on being a changed in opinion, he appears to separate party, are on the least overlook the fact that in so doing stable ground,and proceeds to he is affording proof of that which condemn them for keeping up a is so resolutely denied by his new separate organisation.” It is oballies,-namely, the unreasoning, vious that the justice or injustice utter, and complete obedience and of Sir George's criticism depends humble submission which was re- entirely upon whether the mainquired by Mr Gladstone in order tenance of the Union between to avert his opposition, personal Great Britain and Ireland is of and unrelenting, to all those who sufficient importance to override refused it. Sir George Trevelyan and outweigh any party considerafought and fell as a Unionist, tions. Sir George thought so last and for the cause of the Union, year — this year he thinks difthreatened by Mr Gladstone's pro- ferently; and without accusing posed legislation. That cause is him of a preference of party to the same in the summer of 1887 patriotism, we owe that we think as it was in the summer of 1886. he is placing party upon a higher But, says Sir George, “Mr Glad- pedestal than it deserves to ocstone's bills are—or at least the cupy, and is thereby lowering the text of the bills is dead." He standard by which public men quotes from

Liberal address who love their country should lately sent to him, and says it guide their political conduct. exactly defines the political situa- When Sir George Trevelyan protion. " These bills are not now ceeds to tell the Liberal Unionists before the country, and are never what their “true policy” should likely again to be introduced into have been, and how wrong they the House of Commons in their are to support a Conservative original form.” This may or may Government, he again falls into not be so; but it cannot be denied the confusion of ideas natural to that the principle of these bills a thick-and-thin “party man.” -i.e., the establishment of a sep- Those whom he condemns do not arate Parliament in Ireland

is support the present Government alive, and is the one principle because it is in Conservative,” but which holds the Gladstonian-Par- because it is "Unionist"; and the nellites together. That principle introduction of a "scheme for the must be abandoned and repudiated settlement of Ireland,” upon which by those who assume to lead the we are told the Liberal Unionists Liberal party, before patriotic should have insisted, has for the Liberals can feel the union safe present been rendered impossible, enough to dispense with a not by the action of the Govern“ Unionist party," or con- ment, but by the factious conduct of

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the Gladstonian-Parnellites. One friends to treat the Irish repreof the conditions upon which Sir sentatives with courtesy and comGeorge Trevelyan tells us that he mon decency." No one upon the was prepared to have supported Unionist side would wish to acthe Home-Rule Bill

that cord different treatment to the " the Central Government kept a representatives of Irish constitusufficient hold on law and order." encies. But the treatment should That is the very thing which the be reciprocal ; and no one can have « Central”-i.c., the “ British ”- attended the House of Commons' Government is determined to do, debates during the present session and which it is bouud to do before without feeling that Sir Geore any such scheme as Sir George Trevelyan might with advantage alludes to can be produced with have recommended to his own a hope of beneficial results. But clients to take a share in that how are they encountered by determination which is so highly such backsliding Unionists as Sir creditable to those who have formed George Trevelyan ? The Bill by it, and which, we trust, they will means of which they seek to extend to those Unionists and “keep a sufficient hold on law," members of the Government who by vindicating its supremacy, is have certainly had cause to comdenounced as “coercion”; and plain of somewhat different treatthe very man who boasts of having ment. It is melancholy to observe made this "condition,” now pro- how party feeling seems to have tests against the said Bill, because warped Sir George Trevelyan's he says it “is framed for the sup- judgment, and deprived him of pression of the National League;" all claim to that impartiality which --that is, for the suppression of he has assumed in his late speeches. the body which has prevented, His exhibition at the Eighty Club” and is still striving to prevent, (which has since evinced its unfitthe "o Central Government" from ness to be classed as a “Liberal” having that “sufficient hold on society, by driving from it all those law and order” which he himself who would not agree to bow their esteems it a necessity that they necks before Mr Gladstone and should possess.

Home Rule) was surpassed in folly When we remember the position and extravagance by his speech at which Sir George Trevelyan has Manchester on May 19th, in which, held, and the knowledge which he referring to the action of the Govmust have acquired of the diffi- ernment, he went so far as to say culty of governing Ireland, we con- that “the parliamentary atmosphere fess that we feel deep regret on now positively reeks with injusreading his misdescription of the tice," and spoke of it being necesCrimes Bill, his upholding of the sary that the Liberal Unionists “ National League," and his open should exact, as the price of their avowal that one of his main reasons support, that Conservatives should for joining in the opposition to the treat Liberals with decent civility.Bill is his unwillingness to trust This is pretty good, when we conits powers to his political oppon- sider the language which has been ents. To a speech tinged with so aimed at the Conservatives and bitter a party spirit, it was a fitting the Government by Gladstonians conclusion that Sir George should " below the gangway," the insultspeak of the determination of his ing words and demeanour, and the

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