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once the measure for which that Bill in that year. Upon the 6th urgency had been demanded. This January he told the House of would have been the true constitu- Commons that it was “the duty" tional course ; and if the provisions of the Government “to state, in of the measure had afterwards ap- the inost distinct terms, to Parliapeared to be objectionable, no one ment and to the country," "what could have blamed the Opposition is the real state of the case which for resisting them in every legiti- constitutes the justification for mate manner. This, however, has asking for those powers.”

66 Our not been Mr Gladstone's plan. It justification," he went on to say, is all very well for Mr John Mor.. “is, not that we have not sufficient ley to tell the South London Radi- police and military force at our cals that “no leader has ever been command,—not that the stipenmore unjustly charged than Mr diary magistrates are unwilling to Gladstone is now with lending do their duty,—but that whatever himself to obstructive and factious is done by them to give effect to the devices.” Will Mr Morly ven- laws for the protection of life and ture to say that no such devices property and to prevent illegai have been attempted, and if so, meetings is frustrated, and that we what are we to think of the leader are totally unable to restore life to who has made no effort to prevent the administration of justice in Irethem, and has gone so far as to ask land through, not the difficulty, for more delay, after nine days' but the impossibility of procuring preliminary debate, upon a ques- evidence." Let any fair man read tion of vital importance ?

these words, and afterwards read Of course this importance is Mr Balfour's speech on introducing denied, and the necessity of any the Bill of the present Government, such measure as that proposed by and ask himself how it is possible Government is treated in the same that the statesman who uttered the way. Just as Mr Sexton told Mr words can now be denouncing the Gladstone in 1881 that there was Bill. Yet so it is: that which in no increase of crime to justify the Mr Gladstone is, we suppose, to be measure which he then introduced, termed a generous and noble inso Mr Gladstone tells us the same spiration, but which in the case of thing in 1887. In the assertion any other living man would be which he makes in a letter pub- called a factious and bitter spirit lished in the · Observer' of April of partisanship, prompts him to 10, Mr Gladstone apparently dis- denounce a measure less severe putes the statement of Mr Sexton, than one for which he has himself for he says, “It is the first time been responsible, as “the worst, when coercion has been proposed most insulting, most causeless Cofor Ireland without an attempt by ercion Bill ever submitted to Parthe Ministry to show, what we liament." know they cannot show, a state These are the concluding words of exceptional, flagrant, or grow- of the letter of Mr Gladstone to ing crime.” But, whether or no which we have just alluded, and Mr Gladstone was able to show we cannot avoid the remark that

an increase of crime" in 1881, it the epithets are much more applicis a fact to be borne in mind that able to the letter itself than to the it was not only, nor even mainly, Bill. For, save and except his upon an increase of crime that wicked attempt to separate the he based his so-called “ Coercion”

and the « classes” (so



well described by Mr Goldwin land has been existing under the Smith as “a deliberate attempt to baneful rule of the National League, set class against class, and to poison and even to make light of a cruel the heart of society for a party outrage upon a girl who had compurpose”), Mr Gladstone has sel- mitted the crime of speaking to a dom written more mischievous and policeman, because, forsooth, some unjustifiable words than those in crimes of a similar character had which he has striven to excite the been perpetrated in the wretched mining population of the North days of 1798, and therefore it and the "working men of London ” could not be charged that this was against the measure of the Gov- a crime newly invented by the preernment. He is right when he sent party of disorder ! Again, he says that there is a “question of deemed it becoming to extenuate shame and dishonour for England” agrarian outrage, upon the extrain this matter, for dishonour and ordinary plea that it was not shame it would indeed be if the Par- directed towards the abolition of liament of Great Britain should be rent, but only towards the lowerpersuaded to refuse that protection ing of rents unjustly high—as if to the law-abiding inhabitants of the amount of guilt to be attached Ireland which is the real and simple to an action in itself unlawful enobject of the Government Bill. tirely depended upon the result at Well, indeed, did Mr Hobhouse which the perpetrator ultimately write to the East Somerset Liberals aimed by its commission. as to the real difference between But the utmost amount of oratorhis own honest and really Liberal ical artifice or argumentative finesse views and those of the men who will not lead sensible men away are trying to drag the whole Liberal from the plain issues which are party at the heels of Mr Parnell, before the country. It is easy, of and seeking to reunite their broken course, to sneer at the instances of ranks by the cuckoo cry of “co- crimes quoted by Mr Balfour, which ercion." “ They," wrote Mr Hob- have been committed without dehouse, “object to the proposed tection of the criminal, and to call coercion of criminals by the law. them “unauthenticated” because I object to the active coercion of the names were not always given. law-abiding citizens in Ireland by No men know better than those intimidation,boycotting, and moon- who sneer, how terrible would be lighting;" and he goes on to tell the risk of those who had ventured a home-truth which we commend to tell the tale of their sufferings, if to Mr Gladstone's notice_" The their names were publicly announced present struggle is not between to the agents of that foul and lawLiberals and Conservatives, but less tyranny under which the loyal between those who desire to make part of the Irish population are the Queen's Government possible now so truly coerced. Here, again, in Ireland, and those who wish to the people of Great Britain will render it impossible.” This, in- not be deceived, for they well know deed, is the issue which cannot be that a Minister of the Crown would evaded, and to which Mr Glad- never propose legislation to the stone will not succeed in blinding British Parliament, unless supthe people of Great Britain. Dur- ported by facts which he had taken ing the earlier stages of the debate care to verify beyond doubt-alit suited his purpose to minimise though, for such good reason as the melancholy state in which Ire- that to which we have alluded, he might deem it his duty to withhold metropolis with several millions of the names by which those facts inhabitants. Moreover, it is to be were authenticated.

remembered that the excuse for an There is something else, too, appeal, at once so mischievous and which will not escape the intelli- so unconstitutional, is the introgence of the British people, and duction of a Bill, in some respects which they will doubtless lay to infinitely less stringent than simiheart. The leader of the Opposi- lar measures for which Mr Gladtion has not been content with the stone has himself been responsible, encouragement to factious obstruc- and one, moreover, which, at the tion and the abuse of parliamen- time at which the appeai was tary privileges which he has so made, had not been discussed, recklessly given in his place in the either in principle or in detail, by House of Commons. The letter the legitimate representatives of to which we have called attention the people. is one which raises a grave consti- It is not possible to protest too tutional question. We have re- strongly against this last assault cently extended the elective fran- by Mr Gladstone upon the constichise so widely, that the very tution—this arraigning of Parliasmallest amount of prudence and ment before the mobocracy-this frugality will enable almost any dragging of legislation into the individual, eligible by age and sex, streets. The protest should be to obtain a vote. To a constitu- made more earnestly and more emency thus enormously enlarged, phatically by the lovers of demotwo appeals have been made within cracy than by those who doubt less than twelve months, so that the virtues of democratic instituthe new electorate has had suffi- tions, because it is these which cient practice in the matter of are really and directly imperilled voting to render it tolerably cer. by a course of proceeding which tain that, upon the second general teaches the people that there can election at least, the answer to the be nothing stable or trustworthy appeal was given in an intelligent in a Parliament elected by the manner, and without risk of con- democracy, but that its deliberafusion or mistake. That answer tions must be continually subwas unequivocally opposed to the mitted to the masses outside for Home Rule project of Mr Glad- their judgment and direction. Mr stone. And now, forsooth, in the Gladstone cannot, of course, be very first session of the new Par- held responsible for all the lanliament, Mr Gladstone deliberately guage used, or the sentiments ex. appeals from the Parliament to the pressed at the gatherings which mob, and calls upon the “mining he and his lieutenants have expopulation" and the “workmen of cited and encouraged. Still, it is London ” to assemble and overawe well to remember that lawless and the representatives of the people. violent words, and the utterance Things are come to a pretty pass of dangerous and inflammatory senindeed, when an ex-Prime Minister timents, must be expected to follow and a great party leader appeals an appeal made by persons in Mo from the popular assembly and the Gladstone's position from the calm extended electorate by which that decisions of a legislative assembly assembly has been constituted, to to the partisan spirit of a defeated the pressure which may be exer- faction, and the excited passions cised by the mass meetings of a of a mob. Thus, at one meeting,



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we find the name of Mr Balfour supporters of Mr Gladstone's agigreeted with a cry of “. Shoot him!” tation. At another, regret is expressed This journey of Lord Spencer's that the attempt to assassinate the to the west is deserving of special Czar did not succeed, coupled with attention. It

attempt a desire that Lord Salisbury and Mr made by the Radical organisaChamberlain might receive by par- tions of Cornwall to display their cel-post some “chemical” prepa- strength, and to overawe those ration which would remove them. Liberal Unionists who, in CornThe individual who utiered the last wall, and still more in the adjoinwish went a little too far for the ing county of Devon, have shown, Gladstonian member of Parliament not only strong vitality, but a who presided at the meeting resolute determination

to prove whereat this speech was made ; that the old true principles of but, if we mistake not, he aster the

- Liberal party?

"I have not wards stood side by side with been, and shall not be, trampled Gladstonian orators upon one of under foot by the Separatist secthe platforms in Hyde Park, tion of Radicals which follows Mr probably upon that platform at Gladstone, without a protest from which, according to one report, a those who have a better right both coffin, with “ Coercion” and “ Bal- to the principles and the name. four” inscribed upon it, served as As a demonstration, there can be a sounding-board for some of the no doubt that the Gladstonians orators who were endeavouring to achieved a very fair amount of justify the murderous policy of success, as, indeed, the trouble the National League. Again, we they had taken certainly deserved. find that at the Liberal demon- Lord Spencer was received with stration at Truro—where Lord respect and enthusiasm, and made Spencer, to the great regret of all a speech in which he justified his those who have appreciated and adherence to Mr Gladstone and approved his courageous adminis- his opposition to the “Coercion tration of Irish affairs, lent the Bill” of the present Government. weight of his name and influence to If, however, we analyse the speech, the agitation—a spirit was display- we shall probably be strengthened ed which should show the better sort in the opinion that Lord Spencer of Gladstonians what are the real is influenced rather by personal materials out of which their party affection and reverence for Mr is constructed. One of the speak- Gladstone, and by the power which ers, in his delight at Lord Spen- a stronger nature exercises over cer's visit to Truro, declared that one cast in a more feeble mould, "the compliment paid to Truro than by any real and reasonable was second only to that in 1880, conviction of his own unbiassed when his Royal Highness the judgment. The manner in which Prince of Wales visited the city he gets rid of the charge of infor the purpose of laying the consistency is as delightful in its foundation-stone of the Cathed- simplicity as it is pitiable in its ral.” The mention of the Prince's weakness.

" I administered excepvisit received with “loud tional criminal legislation in Irehisses and cries of First'. -a land,'' says Lord Spencer, “when reception which must have been as I did not believe that it was posdispleasing to Lord Spencer as it sible to give Home Rule to Irewas discreditable to the disloyal lard. I continued in the same




way of

belief until 1886; but then, having must be held to be both inconsistbeen converted to Home Rule, I ent and unpatriotic in refusing to became at liberty to oppose such his successors powers which he legislation, as I now oppose that himself demanded and obtained introduced by her Majesty's Gov- when in a similar position. There ernment.”

is a still more remarkable passage It is melancholy to read such in Lord Spencer's speech. He opinions expressed by such a man. contrasts the way in which Lord Let us put the proposition in a Cowper and Mr Forster dealt with more simple and intelligible form. the Land League, with his own When he was responsible for the manner of dealing with the Napeace of Ireland, Lord Spencer tional League, which he admits to asked for, obtained, and exercised be the “natural successor" of the with firm hand, exceptional Land League—i.e., of that body of powers. Now, not being respons- which Mr Gladstone stated that ible for the peace of Ireland, he is crime“ dogged its footsteps.” Lord prepared to resist those who are, Cowper and Mr Forster had put and who upon their responsibility, down the Land League by arresting declare that exceptional powers and imprisoning its leaders. Lord are necessary, in their demand for Spencer magnanimously says “we such powers.

And the poor, piti- never exercised that power, and ful excuse which he alleges as his we thought the proper justification is that he has, in the dealing with the National League interval, become convinced that was to see that it kept within the Home Rule may be safely given law." This is mighty fine talking; to Ireland. But even if this were but is it Lord Spencer's opinion so, and if the country had expressed that the National League has kept no opinion, ay or no, upon “ Home and is keeping within the law? Rule,” it would be a serious error And does not Lord Spencer perupon the part of a patriotic states- fectly well known that it is not the man, such as we take Lord Spen- question whether or not the League cer to be, to refuse to the Execu- and its agents have broken or are tive Government powers which it breaking the law, but whether the asks upon its responsibility unless law has not been so paralysed that

prepared, not quibble it cannot be put in force? If a about the increase of crime as Northamptonshire tenant of Lord proved or disproved by the uncer- Spencer's had offended the “ Fartain value of statistical evidence, mers' Alliance” or any similar orbut to deny the existence of a ganisation in England, and if, in state of things in parts of Ireland consequence of such offence, his which places an illegal authority cattle should be maimed, his above that of the Queen, and daughters have their hair cut off supersedes the ordinary law. But, and pitch poured upon their heads, when we come to consider that or if he himself should be shot in the country, specially appealed to the legs or otherwise grievously upon the point, has emphatically injured, Lord Spencer would probrefused to give Home Rule to Ire- ably be of opinion that condign land in Mr Gladstone's sense of punishment should follow such an Home Rule, then Lord Spencer outrage. Would he be content

he was

1 As a sample of the eagerness with which the Separatists are casting around them in every direction for excuses, and of their anxiety 10 extort from the

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