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Branch necessarily works did not feels himself more or less ill at prohibit the idea, it is evident ease. In the Imperial Institute that a fusion with the United Ser- he should be at home; and this vice Institution would in many desirable object might perhaps be respects be advantageous to both assisted by connecting a large and establishments. No such special comfortable reading-room and a consideration will prevent a Com- good library with the Intelligence mercial Intelligence Department Department. The rooms might from combining under one organi- be in charge of trained suborsation both the confidential office dinates, who would guide the inwork of the War Office Branch quirer as to the most likely sources and the public proceedings and for the information required, and arrangements of the independent he might at his ease make notes on institution. And with this slight the spot on the subject of his reextension of the lines of the offi- searches. Should the tabulated cial military department, it cer- and arranged information in the tainly appears that a similar Com- public rooms not suffice to meet mercial Intelligence Department the requirements of the inquirer, may readily provide for all the he might, under the guidance of a operations and arrangements trained officer of the Institute, write which have been laid down by out a clear statement of his wants ; high authority as requisite in the and this statement might then be interests of commerce, and essen- passed on for a reply to the pritial for the comprehensive useful. vate working offices of the Intelness of the Imperial Institute. ligence Department. In this way Above all, it is evident that such the time of the officials would proan Intelligence Department will bably be saved, and at the same be full of life and activity in it- time the trader or colonist seeking self. Once started on a proper information would carry out his and clearly defined basis, it will business comfortably and in a manrequire no extraneous encourage- ner congenial to his habits and ment. Its mission will be to en- tastes. Regulations must necescourage others, and daily require- sarily be made as to the class of ments in its labours will ensure persons who should be allowed thus the extension of its arms in every freely to use the Institute. But direction, and constant touch and there should be no difficulty in communication with the official framing suitable rules to meet the and unofficial representatives of case. As in the British Museum, trade and industrial interests in all certificates from householders, and parts of the empire.

perhaps a small fee, might qualify To ensure that a Commercial for admission. Further, it might Intelligence Department shall fully be arranged to elect a body of subanswer to the requirements indi- scribing fellows, who, during the cated, and be thoroughly accept- term of their subscription, would able to the classes who should have the privilege of free entry profit by its institution, it will be and attention. If, too, the Denecessary to avoid as far as pos- partment were to publish periodsible all semblance of official for- ical or annual summaries of the mality in its arrangements. The results of its trade and industrial merchant who now seeks infor- inquiries, it would be able to exmation or assistance in any of the tend an interest in its operations Government offices unavoidably to the commercial classes not mere


ly in our own Colonies, but all over heads of sections, and temporary the world. These, however, are workers in the Commercial Intellimatters of detail, and perhaps gence Department. sufficient has been said to give a As regards the expense of foundgeneral idea on the subject. ing and maintaining the Institute,

There remain for consideration it is evident that the amount of the questions of government, of public subscriptions will largely selection of staff, and of initial and depend on the active sympathy of annual expenditures. As regards the representatives of home and government, the principle laid down colonial trade. It may be hoped by the Institute Committee com- that this sympathy will be stimumands the warmest approval. The lated by the adoption of the conCommittee “recommend that a new clusions of the Institute Combody, entirely independent of any mittee, leading to the formation existing organisation, should be of a Commercial Intelligence Decreated ;" that it “should be partment. Such a department will thoroughly representative of the certainly do much towards fulgreat commercial and industrial filling the expressed wishes of the interests of the empire ;” and that representatives of commerce at “the Colonies and India should home, and will equally certainly have a fair share in the govern provide for due attention to the ment of the Institute."

interests of every colony and posIn selecting the staff, it might session of the empire.

It might be found advantageous to appoint perhaps secure a fair annual insome trade specialists, recommend- come by the adoption of a system ed by the Chambers of Commerce, of fees, and by arranging for a and a few nominees of the Colonial body of subscribing fellows or assoAgents-General, and at all events, ciates; and it would provide a in the first instance, to secure, if common meeting-ground for the possible, the temporary services of representatives of many varied insome junior officials from the four terests. As a centre of informapublic offices interested. When tion, it should be equally useful the probationary period of founda- and interesting; and whilst satistion was over, some of the more fying the wants of the commercial important posts in the staff of the community, it should promote proInstitute would probably become fitable intercourse and a valuable

ermanent appointments; but the interchange of ideas among the general principles acted upon in the representatives of all trade and Intelligence Branch of the War industrial progress throughout the Office might perhaps be advan- British empire. tageously adopted in arranging for

E. F. G. LAW.

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There is no parallel in history formed no opinion on the Plan of to the present state of the House Campaign is ridiculous, and he has of Commons. Mr Gladstone well not been guilty of the insincerity turned round in his seat, with his of suggesting that it is so. He hand at his ear, that he might drink has formed an opinion—every man in the sayings of those on whom he has. And no honest man, whose considers he has exhausted the re- mind is not corrupted by decay of sources of civilisation in vain, and moral sense, or warped by the whom he has, therefore, accepted pressure of political exigency, as his leaders, in order that he may could hesitate to express that still pose as a leader himself, is a opinion. Yet what is the specsymbol of the moral state of the tacle of degradation presented by Separatist section of the Liberal the Parnellite party, both above party. Mr Gladstone, rusticating and below the gangway, in the at Hawarden, when the Plan of House of Commons ? The ParCampaign is on its trial at the nellite leader of members from bar of the nation, is symbolic of England and Scotland, and the the morality of Separatist tactics. Parnellite leader of members from The Plan of Campaign has brought Ireland, are both found not daring about a result which most men to lead, and afraid to follow. If who have watched Mr Gladstone's Mr Gladstone were to say what career with attention would have would comfort the consciences prophesied to be impossible. It of those whose belief in common has presented a state of circum- honesty as a principle has not yet stances which a faculty for jesuitry, dwindled to vanishing point under hitherto apparently illimitable, has political temptation, he would imfailed to be able to cloak, so that peril the dearly bought support of its shame shall not appear. The the salaried patriots of the Navery first night of the session dis- tional League and the swashbuckclosed the melancholy fact, that lers of the extreme section of the

who has held the highest Radicals. If Mr Parnell were to office in the State, and whose give his imprimatur to the doings opinion has been freely expressed of Mr Dillon and his confrères, on almost every social and moral the members above the gangway, question—whose tongue and whose who are not acclimatised to an pen have been at the command atmosphere of “organised embezof every querist, however insig- zlement," would be shocked and nificant, on every subject, great alienated. Accordingly, Mr Glador small, and who has been noth- stone, when challenged to say what ing if he has not been a teacher he thinks of the Plan of Campaign, ex cathedra of social and polit- talks a quantity of words sufficient ical morals, refuses positively to fill half a column of a newspaper. to discourage, even by a word, a He prefaces what he has to say course of action which, to use his with the promise, “ I will tell you own expression of other days, is what I think of it," and then pronothing else than a conspiracy to ceeds to tell everything else—what promote“ public plunder.” To caused it; what he contended six suppose that Mr Gladstone has months ago; what Lord Salisbury



said then ; what the Chief Secre- that, and the other thing. With tary to the Lord Lieutenant has such reasoning, such shameless done ; what the last Parliament trifling, does “the greatest statesshould have done, &c., &c.; and man the world has ever having thus pirouetted round and open the session of Parliament. round the subject, he finishes off It has been said before in these with a “forsooth” about his being pages, that no one has ever so asked to say what his opinion is thoroughly gauged the gullibility of the Plan of Campaign. And, of a large section of the British instead of it, he rides off upon a public as Mr Gladstone. He is subterfuge. “I will tell you what far too acute a man to have reI think of the Plan of Campaign. sorted to the miserable subterfuges It is the consequence of the policy and misty utterances of which he which he" (the seconder of the Ad- is a master, if he had not realised dress) “ and his friends have pur- that his worshippers, with closed sued.” Loud cheers from the Par- eye and open mouth, were prepared, nellites above and below the gang- and indeed eager, to swallow anyway. It has come to this. A thing, provided it were gilded by statesman of the highest rank is him. He knows very well that not ashamed to conceal an opinion for him to be silent as to the Plan which is asked for, in order that of Campaign would be fatal. He the public mind may be guided on knows that it would alarm his a great question, by a mean and English followers if they saw him paltry evasion. His conduct brings without words on any subject. The into a strong light both his own evil must be bad indeed which he moral plight and his contempt for could not explain away. The man the reasoning powers of his fol- whom Lord Palmerston proposed lowers. For it is evident that to to send to Italy to explain away give as an opinion about a matter Garibaldi's wife, and thus remove an opinion as to what it result- an obstacle to a diplomatic mared from, is to insult the under- riage, must not appear to be struck standing of those to whom it dumb by any incident which would is addressed. What is your tell against his policy; and thereopinion of Guy Fawkes's plot ? fore words he has, and plenty of My opinion is, that it was the them. But when they are uttered, consequence of King James I. there is not in them, from beginbeing King of England. What ning to end, one spark of light, is your opinion of the conduct one gleam for guidance. The leader of those who murdered Lord leads into darkness. He turns Frederick Cavendish


Mr aside from the way. He gives up Burke? My opinion is that it is all political manliness, and is rethe natural result of the policy of warded with the cheers of those the Government in letting Mr to whom he is a god, and the conParnell out of Kilmainham Jail. templ of all men who refuse to be What is your opinion of boycot- blinded by fanaticism, and are not ting? My opinion is that is a cynically resolved that morality

? sequence to be expected from the shall not stand in the way of what payment of rent. And so, when thing they call “good."

” asked what is his opinion of the It is matter of course in a party Plan of Campaign, the leader of so blind in its following of Mr the Opposition says it is his opin- Gladstone as are the votaries of ion of it that it resulted from this, Home Rule, that it should be “like master like man." Accord- They will only have to make up ingly, not one speaker rose from their minds whether certain facts the front Opposition bench who are proved, and if they hold that did not make it more plain than they are not, then they do not need before, that, just as the Plan of to go further, but must acquit the Campaign is a conspiracy, so there accused. But if they hold that cerwas a conspiracy of those who tain facts are proved, then if the were wont to cheer the “resources judge tells them that if these facts of civilisation " and to re-echo de- are proved the crime charged has nunciations by their chief of “pub- been committed, they have no allic plunder" and of the “ march of ternative but to convict. But the ruin through rapine to the dismem- question whether certain facts conberment of the empire." Every stitute a crime depends upon the speech showed that there existed law, which the judge is responsible a conspiracy to please the plun- to lay down, and which the jury derers, now that the resources of are responsible to accept. Therecivilisation are looked upon as ex- fore it is plain that no prejudice hausted. The Morleys and the can arise from an expression of Fowlers and the Harcourts vied approval or disapproval of the Plan with one another in raising clouds of Campaign. It can in no way of dust to obscure a very simple affect the trial of the traversers. and clear issue. The highly in- But, further, no opinion is asked

, genuous argument was freely pro- from the leaders of public opinion pounded, that as men were about on the criminality of the Plan of to be tried for their participation Campaign. Questions of criminalin the Plan of Campaign, it would ity punishable by the law are one be premature to express any opin- thing, questions of public morality ion in regard to it. It was urged are another thing. And here it is that to do so might prejudice the that the rail-riding of right honaccused at their trial. Such an ourable gentlemen of the Separatargument shows an obliquity of ist party makes them such a specmind so extraordinary, that it is tacle to honest men. They dare scarcely possible to believe it can not for their political lives stand be put forward with candour. The forth and straightforwardly dequestion whether the Plan of Cam- nounce the Plan of Campaign. For paign commends itself to the moral they, having sold their political sense of right and wrong has noth- heritage for the strength that the ing whatever to do with the ques- Parnellite Jacob may bring them, tion whether certain men, in pro- dare not utter a word that might moting the Plan of Campaign, delay their having the mess of have been guilty of a criminal pottage served out. A word of offence. Nothing that can be said repudiation of what Parnellism is in Parliament or elsewhere can promoting, and good-bye to the affect that question, or prejudice savoury mess of office, which they it in any way.

The facts to be receive from no other hand than proved at the trial cannot be Mr Parnell's. But it is equally affected by any opinion as to the certain that, on the other hand, Plan of Campaign itself, which is they are in as great a difficulty in a printed and published scheme. the case of their own followers. The jury at the trial will have no Except a few extremists, who are duty to consider whether the Plan prepared to out-Parnell Parnell, of Campaign is moral or not. the great mass of the Gladstonian

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