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voted, they go away grumbling, and the Plan of Campaign" must be
“ declare that “a parcel of British faced and repressed; and the Govignoramuses" have defeated them. ernment may confidently rely upon But suppose that upon any ques- the support of public opinion in tion passed by the Irish Parlia- their efforts to do so. If we should ment the Legislature of Great unfortunately live to see an Irish Britain should feel bound to take Parliament and an Irish executive adverse action, the anger and in Dublin, the duty of the British bitterness will surely be much Government would still remain, greater and more intense when a but its difficulty in the performdecision of their own Parliament ance of that duty would be enorhas been reversed, than it now mously increased. It is, then, is when Irish representatives are this idea of a Parliament which simply outvoted in an assembly must be resolutely opposed, and wherein they are fully represented, which constitutes the first great and after the question under dis- difference between us and our opcussion has been well debated, with ponents. It is idle to reiterate every opportunity afforded them the old, old question, “Why not to urge and impress their views let the Irish manage their own upon their colleagues. That this affairs?” The plain and simple might easily happen may be sup- answer is, that the Irish have no posed from the language we. read more affairs of their own, requiring of as employed with regard to the parliamentary management, than land question in Ireland. Only the inhabitants of any English or the other day Mr Dillon boldly Scottish county; and those which stated that the land had been do require such management must “rubbed from the children of Ire- be managed by the United Parlialand” by the fathers of the present ment as long as we are a united landlords, from whom they “would country. There is no one argutake it." These words, taken with ment in favour of a separate Irish others, and considered together Parliament which does not logiwith the action of the League, and cally and legitimately lead to the the intentions expressed to “abol- demand for complete separation. ish landlordism,” indicate a feel- Take, for instance, Sir Charles ing among those who are likely to Russell's grandiloquent expression, exercise great influence over the that what the Home-Rulers depeople of Ireland, which bodes but mand is “government for the peolittle good to the ordinary princi- ple by the people.” No such thing. ples of common justice and legal- If we are a united people, what ity which prevail in this country. Sir Charles Russell demands is Yet if these principles are to be that the four or five million in set at defiance in Ireland, it will Ireland should set up a Governbe the bounden duty of Great Bri- ment for themselves by themselves, tain to interfere, and hence may which may, and probably would be, and probably will arise compli- a Government very much at varications of which
ance with the wishes and opinions foresee the end.
of the vast majority of the united If the present Government have population. Of course, if Ireland erred at all, it has not been on the is to be considered a separate side of severity in enforcing the people, the demand would assume law in Ireland. The law must another complexion; but this is be enforced ; such iniquities as what is indignantly denied. Again,
take Lord Rosebery's somewhat battle is over. We have powerful supercilious question, “Is there adversaries with whom to contend; any geographical limit to repre- and inasmuch as self-interest is a sentative institutions ? ” Certainly potent motive with mankind, we there is, in the sense in which the must not forget to take into acquestion is applicable to the de- count that there are many Liberal mand for an Irish Parliament. Unionists who will be strongly If Ireland is united with Great tempted to accept any compromise Britain, and part of our home which may restore them to the empire, we do not require two Par- comfortable position of members liaments therein, and a similar de- of a united Liberal party. There mand might as well be made from can be little doubt that such comLancashire or Yorkshire. If Ire- promises will be attempted and land is a separate nation, the ques
offered. They can best be detion is of course to be answered feated by keeping before the eyes after a different fashion.
of the public generally, and the We have thus endeavoured to Liberal Unionists in particular, point out, in a few words, what the special issues to which seems to us to be the great rally- have adverted, and the great prining-point of the Unionist party. ciples which form our legitimate Much more might be written, and bond of union. During the recess, many other arguments adduced we may be well satisfied that we upon the subject, but we have have held our
Orators of said enough to show how clear different calibre have delivered adand how great is the difference dresses upon both sides of the between us and our opponents, question in many different parts and how fair and just a ground of the country; but, so far as we we have upon which Liberal and have seen, in oratory as well as Tory Unionists may stand shoulder in literature, the Unionist cause to shoulder in the combat before has had decidedly the best of it. us. For we must not delude our- The historical case of the Separselves with the belief that the atists has practically disappeared ;
1 Although this is undoubtedly true, it is unfortunately the fact that many errors as regards the history of the past are still to be found in quarters in which accuracy would be expected, and such errors, if uncontradicted, become accepted as facts.
For instance, in Whitaker's Almanack for the present year, p. 303, under the heading, “ The Kingdom of Ireland,” we find it stated that, “ Although Ireland was annexed in 1170, it was not properly brought under English rule until the time of William III., and even then was permitted to retain a certain amount of apparent independence, one of the most cherished forms of which was the native Parliament which existed for more than three hundred years, and was extinguished at the time of the Union in 1801.” It is partly upon the supposed existence of a “native " Parliament that the demand is now made for a separate Parliament for Ireland, and therefore it is important to bear in mind that it is absolutely untrue that such a Parliament ever existed. 'p to the time of James I., the only thing resembling a Parliament was the convention of British settlers within “the Pale,” summoned at the pleasure of the British sovereign; then came the Parliament established by James I. to consolidate his own power; and the Parliament subsequent to the accession of William III. was still so contrary to a “native Parliament,” that it was confined exclusively to Protestants, and the Catholics, who numbered at least three-fourths of the population, could not sit in that Parliament, nor (until 1793) even vote at the election of its members. To speak of a “ native Parliament" having existed in Ireland for upwards of three hundred years, is therefore to state that which is contrary to historical
the arguments to be drawn from enable them to carry on the conthe past
incontrovertibly test for a while ; but if the Unionagainst them; and as regards ist party will keep in view the their present position, it must justice of their cause and the be confessed that they depend simple principles upon which it rather upon the personal follow- rests, we do not for a moment ing of one eminent man, than upon doubt that they will be able to any support which their cause has repel all the assaults of their opwon from the public upon its in- ponents, and to secure the contrinsic merits. Their popular fidence and the support of the catchwords, addressed to the dem- great body of their countrymen. ocratic ear, may here and there in this spirit and in this belief secure approval, the eloquence of we bid the Government “God some of their advocates may gain speed” at the commencement of support, and the power of party that which promises to be an imdiscipline and organisation may portant session.
truth, and to convey to the public an inaccurate account, which, in the case of so valuable a publication as that to which we allude, is clearly the result of accident, but an accident much to be regretted in the interests of historical truth.
LOVE THAT LASTS FOR EVER.
THERE is a Word,
Keen as a sword,
And pure as Angels are above ; *This little Word good men call Love !
It bears a Name,
Careless of Fame,
I join it now
With clear eyes, how