of public amusements would soon see the necessity of erecting one in each house, capable of operating on the whole audience. As to private families, it is incredible how much good might be done by occasional infusions of goodhumour, in promoting the happiness of husbands and wives, and lessening the fatigues of proctors and special juries. It may be doubted whether it would not even save the SPEAKER of a certain great assembly some unpleasant necessities, and render the call to order less frequent, by enabling him to throw a placid air to whatever side of the House there appeared the mist of party and the lour of opposition. I therefore beg leave to recommend this scheme to the honour it deserves; and I long for its extension, and the happy day when foreigners shall rejoice to breathe in the facetious atmosphere of Old England.

Good-humour is at present in such high demand, that any Project for its increase must be listened to with eager approbation. It would perhaps be of more use to literature than is commonly imagined, and again be acknowledged a characteristic of wisdom. But at present, I am sorry to say it, disputes 1 say it, disputes are generally carried on with far more asperity than the subject demands, and some have oddly enough

contrived to vent those passions by the pen, which were formerly considered as the exclusive privilege of the tongue. Time and attention could not be better employed than in devising a remedy for this evil; and, as I am not wholly without hopes that a considerable progress may be made by joint efforts in this design, I shall take an early opportunity to offer some hints on the passions of the pen, the bigotry of liberality, and the intemperance of sober discussion.

GREAT as the rejoicings are for the restora

tion of

peace, there there are some sober and serious persons among us, who will neither be so deafened by the guns, or blinded with the lights, as not to revolve the consequences that

may ensue from entering into bonds of amity and fellowship with a nation, not the most remarkable of late upon account of its religious or moral character; and I am informed from all quarters that we are now in imminent danger of being inundated with French follies and vices. I confess this is an opinion to which I cannot subscribe; yet, as the grounds of the apprehension deserve our most serious consideration, I shall have performed a very acceptable service if any thing that follows can tend to alleviate it, and to prove that our fears may be kept at home for our own use.

I do not scruple to repeat that I am not of the number of those who dread an inundation of follies, as a necessary consequence of the with France. I consider the commerce peace of national follies in the same light as any other species of commerce. No nation will take more of an article from another nation than it wants; and no nation will venture to export a greater quantity than there is a demand for. I know that alarms prevail respecting the manufactures of France; it is said that the French are an ingenious people, and that, enjoying a fertile soil, with low rents and cheap provisions, they will be able to carry our manufactures as well as their own, to such

a degree of perfection, both as to quality and price, as to be able to undersell us in our own markets. And, therefore, it is apprehended that, among other necessaries, they will be able to stock us with follies and vices of a much genteeler fabrique, and better calculated for fashion, show, and wear, than our own. Or if they are not really so, such is the predilection for every thing of foreign growth among a certain class of people, that it is feared patterns of silks and laces will not be more frequently brought over than samples of iniquity and models of licentiousness.

But although it be very true that there are in this country too many who give an unfair and absurd preference to foreign manufactures, and encourage smuggling, to the great detriment of the revenue and of the honest trader, yet, as we have of late years been rather more out of humour with the French than during former war, I hope we have pride enough left to refuse being dictated to by any nation whatever, in the shape, turn, twist, or fold, of our morals, and that we will (if only for a moment, which will be quite sufficient,) consider the absurdity of laying out our money in foreign markets, for commodities which we may purchase at our own doors of equal quality

any

and durability. To suppose that the French have monopolized all kinds of folly is really conceding too much; it is a mean distrust in our own talents; because there is no absolute proof of the fact, and there are many reasons to think that it is a mere piece of vanity, spread abroad by that people who, forsooth, would not be thought inferior to the nations of Europe in any respect.

Now I, as a true-born Briton of the old school, cannot suffer my country to be run down in this manner; and therefore declare that I am not afraid of any inundation of French follies; because I do believe, and indeed I am greatly mistaken if I do not clearly perceive, that we are able and willing to furnish a quantity of the said follies more than sufficient for our own consumption, that is, more than we want, or have the least occasion for; and consequently there is not any reason to suspect that the course of exchange will be long against us in this particular branch of commerce. But as I must not be accused of dealing in vague assertions, and would avoid the national vanity I have just censured, and as this is a matter which seems to press for immediate consideration, and engrosses a large portion of our table-talk, I shall endeavour to