the period of the Norman Conquest these biographical sketches increase in extent and interest; after that event, it is from them that the narrative derives its chief value.1 On the accession of William the Conqueror a new leaf is turned in the history of the monastery, and from this point its ascendancy was on the wane. Gifts of lands and privileges cease, and the abbot and brethren have enough to do to hold their own. The history becomes the record, on the one hand, of the assaults to which they were exposed by their aggressive feudal neighbours, and on the other, of the measures which they adopted to protect themselves from this spoliation. It concludes with the accession of Richard the First to the throne, an event from which they appear to have anticipated favourable results. author's from The upon style, augene- thorities, and can § 14. The author's style, though not exempt barbarous words, and a faulty construction, is the whole somewhat in advance of that of the rality of the writers of his own period. He shows an dour. acquaintance with Ovid, Seneca, Juvenal, and Virgil, and by the phraseology which he employs he gives us to understand that he had read the classical writers 2 with some degree of care. He had at his command the earlier chronicles of his monastery, and they Before the Norman Conquest the incidents which are related with the greatest detail have reference to Rethun, Ethelwold, Siward, Ethelstan, Sparhafoc, and Orderic; and after that event by Athelhelm, Rainald, Faricius, Vincentius, Ingulfus, Walchelin, Roger, and Alfred. 2 See the Index. I have not succeeded in ascertaining the source whence he derived the couplet,— "Qui, tentans partes Cnutonis fun- Multorum mentes conscivit ferre It is apparently adapted from some As at pp. 120, 443. Yet he The work in two forms. of his knowledge He has the candour doubtless furnished him with much § 15. Two copies of the "Historia Monasterii de Abingdon" are extant; both are deposited in the Cottonian Library in the British Museum (Claud. B. vi., and Claud. C. ix.), both written in double columns upon vellum, in folio, and of the thirteenth century. The second of these (Claud. C. ix.) is the earlier in date by about half a century, and contains what may be styled the first edition of the work. A specimen from one of its pages is to be seen opposite the title-page of the second volume; and a corresponding illustration from the handwriting of Claud. B. vi. will be found in this volume. The entire work was afterwards revised, and in many parts rearranged and rewritten, and in its improved form transcribed into the second of the manuscripts to which we have referred. A comparison of the two narratives show that both of them derived their materials from a common source. In various respects the earlier text is much more compressed than the latter, long passages having been added on the revision of the work; yet, sometimes the reverse of Abingdon, he must have been 1 Verum cujus infortunii malum quibus ex causis acciderint, nil veri aut relatione dignum ad nostram pervenit notitiam, p. 120. Qua de re utilius pariter et honestius fore dijudicavimus super hujuscemodi desolatione ad præsens sapienter tacere, quam quicquam in medium producere quod nec verum esse nec verisimile de facili possit comprobari, p. 120. is the case. In Claud. B. vi. many charters have been inserted, and in some instances others are given in a more perfect state than they are to be found in Claud. C. ix. In this latter manuscript the Saxon boundaries are omitted in the body of the charter (while they occur in their proper place in Claud. B. vi.), but they are thrown together at the end of the volume. The names of the witnesses in the first instance were generally abbreviated in number, sometimes entirely omitted; while, on the revision of the work, this defect was carefully supplied from the original documents. In the second portion, from the year 1066 to the death of Abbot Roger, the two manuscripts correspond more closely than they did throughout the first division of the work. Here, upon a comparison of the texts, we have to remark two short additions derived from Claud. C. ix., and a few omissions and transpositions. how § 16. The text adopted in the present edition is that The text, of the revised and improved copy (Claud. B. vi.), ap- formed. pended to which are given, at the bottom of the page, such various readings as have been derived from a collation with Claud. C. ix. Where this second copy furnishes matter which does not occur in the former manuscript, this additional material has been carried into the text, and is distinguished by being printed within brackets. It will be seen at the first glance that in the Saxon Charters several grammatical blunders present themselves; the reader must not be startled either by noticing their frequent occurrence, or that they pass unchallenged. They are harmless from their very obtrusiveness, for they provoke detection. In the narrative portions of the work this rule has been slightly modified; so far, that is to say, as to admit of the correction of a few obvious mistakes, either by way of suggestion in a foot note, or by insert ing the true reading, furnished by the second copy, into the text, and throwing the faulty one to the bottom of the page. Yet this has never been done without notice being given. Many conjectural emendations will doubtless present themselves to the reader of this history; but it forms no part of the duty of an editor to obtrude upon the public those which have occurred to himself. 2 § 17. It has been already stated that these two1 manuscripts are deposited in the Cottonian Library. One of them (Claud. B. vi.) was known to Camden as early as 1607; for in the edition of his "Britannia" published in that year are given a few extracts from a "Vetus Liber Abbendonensis," which correspond with this manuscript. These passages do not occur in the earlier editions. That it was at that time in the possession of Sir Robert, the founder of the library, is probable; that he had added it to his invaluable collection before his death, in 1631, is clear, as some directions to the binder, written by him upon one of the flyleaves, are still extant. While in his custody it was well known to Ussher, Dodsworth, Dewes, and other antiquaries of that period. The earliest distinct notice of the second text (Claud. C. ix.) is supplied by some extracts folio of this Fenton manuscript, whatever that designation may mean, shows that it is identical with Claud. B. vi. These passages relate to the descriptions of Abingdon (p. 3 of the present volume) and Seoucchesham (p. 6.) No other copies are known to be, or to have been, in existence. Dugdale, indeed, in his Monasticon (iii. 37. ed. Ellis,) gives the account of the foundation of the Monastery of Burton-upon-Trent (verbally the same with the passage at p. 411 of this volume), with the intimation that he had it "ex libro MS. Abbendonensi quonbaronem de dam penes Fenton," which might seem toad imply the existence of a second copy; but the reference to the 3 See Tanner's Notitia, p. 11, note (*), quoting, as from this source, the passage "Mons Abbendoniæ septemtrionalem," &c., which occurs only in this second copy. See the present volume, p. 1, note ('). § 18. In the formation of the Index of Places con- The Index. siderable difficulty has been experienced in arriving at a conclusion as to the admissibility of a large propor- tion of the local names mentioned in the Saxon boun- daries. Are they Proper, or only Descriptive? But in deciding this question, it has been my wish to err § 19. And lastly, I have to tender my grateful Conclusion. thanks to the Rev. T. B. Wilkinson and the Rev. J. Fen- wick, Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, for the facilities which, through their kindness, and at some considerable inconvenience to themselves, I enjoyed while collating the transcript of the Abingdon charters b |