Obrazy na stronie

whether for its odor, its skulking, or its sting. So that dŋyμara kopéwv, λabpódaкvaι Kópees, seem to have been proverbial expressions for calumny. 79. Demetrius,] See above on v. 18; and as to Fannius, see S. 4. 21, n. On Plotius, see S. 5. 40; and on Valgius, C. ii. 9, Int. He was consul in B. C. 13. Who Octavius was, we cannot tell. Horace does not mean Augustus, for, after the death of the dictator, Octavius became C. Julius Cæsar Octavianus, and could not at this time be called Octavius. On Fuscus (to whom the epithet 'optimus' belongs), see C. i. 22, Int., and S. 9. 61, and Epp. i. 10.

83. Viscorum laudet uterque !] If Viscus be the correct reading in S. 9. 22, and S. ii. 8. 20, the persons there mentioned may be one or other or both of these brothers.

84. Ambitione relegata] 'Dismissing flattery.'

85. tuo cum fratre,] This may have been Gellius Poplicola, Messalla's brother by adoption. He was with Brutus and Cassius in Asia Minor; but left them before the battle of Philippi, and joined M. Antonius, and commanded the right wing of his army at Actium. If therefore this be the person Horace alludes to, his acquaintance with him began in Brutus's camp He was consul in the year B. C. 36.

86. Vos, Bibule et Servi,] This Bibulus was probably the youngest son of M. Calpurnius Bibulus, who was consul in B. c. 59, and of his wife Porcia, who afterwards married M. Brutus. He wrote an account of his stepfather's life, which Plutarch made use of. He must have been still quite young.

Servius Sulpicius Rufus was a distinguished lawyer and friend of Cicero, and he left a son named Servius. This son is perhaps the person Horace refers to. Cicero was very fond of him, to judge by his letters to his father. He must have been older than Horace, and very much older than Bibulus.

Furnius was also the son of a friend and correspondent of Cicero, and was a favorite with Augustus. The epithet 'candidus' applied to him by Horace shows that he deserved esteem. Shortly after the battle of Actium he got Augustus to take his father, who had followed M. Antonius, into favor. 88. Prudens] 'Designedly,' 'on purpose.'

91. Discipularum inter jubeo plorare cathedras.] Their pupils were chiefly 'mimae,' actresses, but some ladies of birth at this time learnt singing of professors, and it was not counted much to their praise. 'Jubeo plorare' corresponds to the Greek oiμwČew keλevw, but 'plorare' represents, not only the above proverbial expression, but the drawling of the singing-master teaching his pupils sentimental or melancholy songs. 'Cathedra' was an easy-chair used chiefly by women.

92. I, puer, Authors did not write themselves, but had slaves, called 'pueri a studiis,' or generally 'librarii,' to whom they dictated. See S. 4. 10. Epp. i. 10. 49; ii. 1. 110. We are to suppose that Horace extemporized this anathema against Demetrius and Tigellius, and then told his amanuensis to go before he forgot it and add it to the Satire as his 'subscriptio'; which in letters was the word 'vale,' or something civil of that sort.



IUS TESTA was a jurisconsult of eminence, and a man of honor. ne confidence of Augustus, and was consulted by him on legal race seems to have been well acquainted with him, though he ars younger than Trebatius.

etends to lay before the old lawyer a case for his opinion, and had better do to meet the malevolence of his enemies. Trebatius o cease from writing, which Horace says is impossible. He was , and must do it. He has no capacity for heroic subjects, and for imitating Lucilius, to whom he pays a graceful compliment Trebatius warns him that he runs the risk of being frozen to great friends, or of legal penalties for libel. But, trusting in the his cause, he sets these dangers at defiance, and resolves to inination.

Ebus-videor] Horace had undoubtedly in his mind those parents, on some of whom he had retorted in S. 10 of the last is being the case, the indicative mood is wanted, rather than the after sunt quibus' (see C. i. 1. 3, n., and compare S. i. 4. 24). opus' Horace means he is charged with carrying his work, or beyond the license properly allowed to satire. 'Sine nervis'

out vigor.' As to 'deduci,' see S. i. 10. 44, n. ]See Introduction.

erat:] Here as below (v. 16) the imperfect indicative is used junctive might be expected. The Greeks in similar cases somehe imperfect indicative without av, where the usual construction


Transnanto Tiberim] See S. i. 6. 123, n. The language is a yle of a 'lex.' 'Sub noctem , means immediately after nightDod. ii. 44, n. S. ii. 7. 109. Epp. ii. 2. 169. It appears from rs to Trebatius that he was a great swimmer, and Cicero deIf as having gone home from his house one night "bene potus d Fam. vii. 22). He may therefore have lived pretty freely. There is force in this word, 'hurries you on like a torrent.' This corresponds to o ruxov in Greek.

pereuntes cuspide] Plutarch, in his Life of Marius (c. 25), rethe occasion of a battle with the Cimbri, he altered the spears s in such way that they could not be of use to the enemy. He e spear-heads were formerly fastened to the shaft by two iron at Marius, removing one, substituted for it a wooden peg, which ay when the spear struck the shield, where it would stick and the ground. From the year B. C. 39 to 31, Augustus was enerent times in subduing the Gauls, and he included his victories the first of his three days' triumphs, in B. c. 29. (See C. i. 2.

bentis equo] The Parthians falling under blows inflicted by the ustus, is a picture he draws from his own imagination, in antici

pation of future triumphs. But Augustus never engaged the Parthians in the field. On 'labentis equo,' see C. i. 2. 39, n.

16. poteras] See above, v. 7. As to 'fortem,' see what is said of 'Fortitudo' on C. S. 57. Trebatius says, if Horace cannot write of the victories of Augustus, he may of his virtues, his justice, and moral courage.

17. Scipiadam ut sapiens Lucilius] Virgil uses this form (Georg. ii. 170), "Scipiadas duros bello." As the elder Scipio had Ennius to praise him (see C. iv. 8), so the younger had Lucilius, who was his intimate friend, and who served under him in the Numantian war. There is no necessity for supposing that Lucilius wrote a separate poem on the exploits of Scipio, though it is not improbable that he did so. Sapiens' is applied to the poet as 'doctus 'is elsewhere. See note on C. i. 1, 29. "Haud mihi deero' Horace uses above, S. i. 9. 56.

18. dextro tempore] See below, S. 4. 4: "Cum te sic tempore laevo Interpellarim."

20. Cui male si palpere] 'If you stroke him clumsily, he kicks out, and protects himself on every side.

21. Quanto rectius hoc Horace says that he may attempt those subjects, but he must wait for an opportunity. And Trebatius continues, 'How much better is this, than with bitter verses to offend such wretched creatures as Pantolabus and Nomentanus, by which he only excites the fears and hatred of every one!'

22. Pantolabum|_ S. i. 8. 11.

24. Quid faciam?] What am I to do?' says Horace. Every man has his taste, and mine is to string verses together like Lucilius.'

Milonius,] This man is said to have been a 'scurra,' a parasite, a low fellow who has no respect for himself, who lets himself out, at the price of a dinner, to entertain rich people and their guests with buffoonery and small talk. Milonius, as soon as the wine got into his head, would get up and dance before the company, the lowest proceeding in the eyes of a Roman that could be imagined. Icto,' in this sense of wine-struck,' does not occur elsewhere. It is a Greek notion.

26. Castor gaudet equis,] This difference in the tastes of Castor and his brother is expressed in one line of the Iliad (iii. 237), Káσropá 0' inñódaμov καὶ πὺξ ἀγαθὸν Πολυδεύκεα.

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27. quot capitum vivunt,] Compare Quot homines tot sententiae: suus cuique mos.' (Phormio, ii. 4. 14.)


28. claudere] See S. i. 10. 59.

31. neque si male cesserat] 'Never resorting to anything else, whether matters had gone ill with him or well."

33, Votiva -tabella] On the practice of hanging up a picture in the temples to commemorate escape from shipwreck, see C. i. 5. 12, n. It was probably not confined to sailors.

34. Vita senis.] Lucilius, the date of whose death is not certain, but who is said to have died in his forty-sixth year, B. c. 103, is here called old only in point of time, as in Epp. ii. 1, 56, "Aufert Pacuvius docti famam senis Accius alti"; and above (S. i. 10. 67), "poëtarum seniorum turba"; and as Aristophanes is called by Persius (i. 124), “praegrandis senex

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Lucanus an Apulus anceps: See C. iii. 4. 9, n. Anceps' is neuter. 'Sub' signifies close up to,' where 'sub' has its original meaning 'up,' and "the sense of 'to' belongs to the accusative termination, not to the preposition" As to 'colonus,' see C. ii. 14. 12, n. 'Romano' is used for the Romans, as in Epod. vii. 6, and Tac. Ann xii. 58.

The colony of Venusia was formed in B. c. 291, the last year of the third Samnite war, when L. Postumius Megellus and C. Junius Brutus Bubuleus were consuls. The town, which was on the borders of Lucania and Apulia,

the Samnites, from whom it was taken by Q. Fabius. (Sabelli e given by the Romans to all the tribes which issued from the , of whom the Samnites were one) Apulia and Lucania were, ning of this war, independent states in close alliance with the ut after the first year they found it for their interest to desert and joined the Romans, with whom they continued to unite their Le end of the war. Horace's supposition that one or other of vas meditating or carrying on war with Rome, is not, therefore, ate; but they were always very doubtful allies, and were glad to old enemies the Greek cities in their resistance to Rome, when n the help of Pyrrhus; and it was not till the fall of Tarentum, at these, in common with the other southern states of Italy, finalged the supremacy of Rome, and accepted their freedom from in consequence of the commanding position of Venusia, in referthree nations of the Samnites, Apulians, and Lucanians, that the there in the above year (B. c. 291) a colony of twenty thousand is place was of great use to the Romans in the war with Pyrtheir reverse at the battle of Heraclea, A. U. C. 474, the remnant y retreated to Venusia, and here many found refuge after the inæ. The quantity of the second syllable in Venusinus, Horace here, and in C. i. 28. 26. Juvenal lengthens it (vi. 167): sinam quam te, Cornelia, mater Gracchorum," where, as here, inhabitant of Venusia is contrasted with the proud matron of o ne' (v. 37) is an unusual expression, in which 'quo' is rec stilus haud petet ultro] On this use of sed,' see C. iv. 4 22, n. ans here 'wantonly,' without provocation or cause. See C. iv.

at] Ut' is an imitation of the Greek use of ws, expressing a opes that his adversaries will let him alone, and leave his sword en) to rust. From 'at ille' the construction is a little irregular, otness of the several clauses is well suited to the occasion: 'but n that provokes me, he had better not touch me, I cry; he 'll oes,' &c.

s iratus

urnam,] Cervius appears to have been an informer. › man mentioned in S. ii. 6. 77. 'Urnam' means either the urn e judices put their tablets, or that into which their names were ing the jury. Either way it is equivalent to ‘judicium.' ia Albuti quibus] Albutius was perhaps a person notorious for oned somebody, and Albuti venenum' may have become proe meet with an Albutius below (S. 2. 67), who, from his charace been the same as this.

le malum Turius,] Of this person we know nothing. He threatrsary with an adverse judgment if he ever has a private suit tried

quisque valet] In what follows it is Horace's purpose to show w of nature that every one should use the means of defence that n, and he is only acting on this law when he employs satire in 'Unde' in v. 52 belongs to 'monstratum,' as, in the next SaUnde datum sentis," by what suggested if not from within?' e know nothing. What Horace says is, that he would, like other ort to the means most natural to him, which were not violence, vards have an aversion, but poison.


i, Ut neque] Strange! yes, as strange as that the wolf does not

ox bite.'

ors atris circumvolat alis,] This representation of death hovering with dark wings, may have been taken from a painting.

60. Quisquis erit vitae scribam color.] This loose collocation of words is not uncommon in Horace. It ought not to be imitated.

O puer, ut sis] See Introduction. This sentence illustrates the rule respecting verbs of fearing, that they "have the subjunctive with 'ne' if the object be not desired, with 'ut' if it be desired" (Key's L. G. 1186), to which the note is "Observe that the Latin inserts a negative where the English has none, and vice versa

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64. Detrahere et pellem,] Compare Epp. i. 16. 44. Each of the Scipiones had a Lælius for his intimate companion. This is C. Laelius Sapiens, the friend of P. Scipio Africanus Minor, and well known through Cicero's treatises De Senectute' and 'De Amicitia,' in the former of which he is a listener, in the latter the principal speaker. As to the following verse, see C. iv. 8. 18, n. Lucilius was on terms of close intimacy with these two friends.

67. Metello] Q. Cæcilius Metellus had the cognomen Macedonicus given him, for his successes against Andriscus, the pretender to the throne of Perseus, king of Macedonia. Horace means to say that Scipio and Lælius were not offended at the wit of Lucilius, nor feared it might turn upon themselves, when they saw him attack Metellus. Why he did so is uncertain.

68. Lupo] Who Lupus was is not certain. His name appears in many of the fragments of Lucilius. The most probable person is L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, who was consul B. C. 156. What he had done to provoke Lucilius's satire we do not know, but Cicero (De Nat. Deor. i. 23) has preserved a verse of his in which Lupus is classed with the perjured and profligate.

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Atqui Primores populi] Atqui,' which is a form of 'at quin,' means 'but he did, did he not? Tributim,' throughout all the tribes he attacked the optimates and plebeians, and all without distinction. As to the tribes, see Epp. i. 6. 52, n. Aequus' means 'favorable to.'

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72. Virtus Scipiadae] On this form, see above, v. 17. See also S. i. 2. 32, n., on the expression virtus Scipiadae.' Lælius, as above mentioned, had the cognomen Sapiens given him, and any one who reads Cicero's treatise that bears his name will understand Horace's epithet 'mitis.' One of the Scholiasts relates a story of Lælius running round the dinner-table, and Lucilius pursuing him with a napkin, to flog him. Lucilius was born B. C. 148, and Scipio died B. c. 129. He was therefore but a boy when he thus played with these friends; and if, as Horace's language implies, he wrote satires in Scipio's lifetime, they were probably the mere intemperate sallies of youth. But Horace may be mistaken. The fare of these great men was

of the simplest kind. (See note on S. i. 6. 115.)

75. Infra Lucili censum] Horace had before intimated (v. 34, n.) that he, a poor man's son, born in a provincial town, was not to be compared with Lucilius, a Roman citizen, who was rich, and had a fine house in the Forum, 78. nisi quid tu,] This is equivalent to saying, 'This is what I think, Trebatius; but I shall be glad to defer to your opinion if you differ from me.' 79. nihil hinc diffindere possum.] The meaning of 'diffindere' is not quite clear. Perhaps it has the same sense as 'secare' above (S. i. 10. 15, and Epp. i. 16. 42); that is, 'to decide.' If so, Trebatius says he cannot decide the question from the premises Horace has put before him (hine').

80. Sed tamen] By the XII. Tables, the writing of scurrilous verses was among the few offences that were punishable with death. See Dict. Antt., Art. Injuria,' and compare Epp. ii. 1. 153. There was a 'lex Cornelia de injuriis,' which probably included the offence of writing scurrilous verses. When Trebatius says there is 'jus judiciumque,' he means that there is law, and also there are legal proceedings, for this case. 'Ne forte' is used as in C. iv. 9, 1, where see note, and compare Epp. i. 1. 13; 18. 58; ii. 1. 208. 'Sanctarum' is a participle, 'quae sanciuntur.' 'Sancire legem' was to affix the penalty to a 'lex,' and so give it effect. See Cic. de Am. c. 12.

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