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Africum] See C. i. 1. 15.

dulces alumni] Alumnus,' for a lamb, occurs above (C. iii. 18. 4). Pomifero grave tempus] The deadly time when the year brings round ruit,' i. e. Autumn (S. ii. 6. 18).

1. Devota] In the oak woods of Mount Algidus (in Latium) and the ures of Alba were fed swine and cattle, especially for sacrifice.

. marino Rore] 'Rosmarinus' is the name of a plant which grows wild armer climates than ours. We call it rosemary, after the Latin name, h the ancients supposed to be composed of 'ros' and 'marinum,' 'seaIt is rather sea-rose, 6 rosa marina.'

'. Immunis aram] If the hand be innocent that touches the altar (not e welcome with sumptuous victim), it appeaseth the angry Penates with s meal and crackling salt.' 'Immunis signifies 'pure.' It does not ir elsewhere in this sense without a genitive.

9. Penates] The Penates of a family included the Lares, to whom Phiis supposed to be sacrificing. But other gods who were supposed to ect households and to promote the peace of families were counted Pes, and among them Jupiter, Juno, and Vesta.

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9. Farre pro et saliente mica] This means the salted meal offered in sacThe Roman practice and the Greek were different. The ovλaí and Xúraι were the entire grain of barley mixed with salt. The grain was pounded by the Greeks; by the Romans it was, and the salt mixed with So "Dant fruges manibus salsas" (Aen xii 173). Socrates was the among the ancients, as far as is known, who took the view here given of gods and their offerings. His opinions are related by Xenophon (Memor. 3), and they are confirmed by the highest authority, which tells us, that there be first a willing mind, it is accepted according to that a man hath, according to that he hath not (2 Cor viii. 12).

ODE XXIV.

THIS Ode is of the same class, and was probably written about the same e as the early ones of the third book, i. e. about A. U. c. 728 It deals with licentious abuses of the times, and points indirectly to Augustus as the reformer of them, as in the second Ode of the first book. The variety of ges and illustrations in this Ode is very remarkable, and they are particuy well chosen and original. There is none that exhibits Horace's peculiar e more completely than this does.

ARGUMENT- - Let a man be as rich and extravagant as he may, yet, when e overtakes him, fear and death will seize him. The wandering tribes of North—with their free plains and toils equally shared, where step-mothers kind and wives are obedient and chaste, and where crime meets with its ard—are happier than we are He who would gain a name for future es (for merit is only recognized after death), let him put a check upon the ntiousness of the age. Of what use is it to complain, if crime goes unished? Of what use are laws without morals? We are running everyere in quest of money, urged on by the shame of poverty. If we really ent, let us give our gold to the gods, or cast it into the sea, eradicate the ls of avarice, and strengthen our minds with nobler pursuits. Our youth idle their fathers lay up wealth by fraud: for, let riches increase as they , they always fall short of men's desires.

. Intactis] Cn. Pompeius, Marcellus, and others, had entered Arabia

Petræa; but Arabia Felix, which is here referred to, had not yet been invaded. The disastrous expedition under Ælius Gallus did not take place till B. C. 25, which was probably after the composition of this Ode. See C. i. 29, Int. India and Arabia are again coupled, Epp. i. 6. 6.

3. Caementis licet occupes] This is explained by C. ii. 18. 20; iii. 1. 35. 4. mare Apulicum,] This would apply to the bay on which Tarentum is situated, and there the Romans had handsome villas. Horace, however, had the other sea more in mind, perhaps with reference to Baiæ in particular, that place being situated on the northern projection of the Sinus Cumanus. 6. Summis verticibus] This has been variously explained. It probably means, when stern Fate has driven her adamantine nails into thy head' (that is, to kill thee).

8. Non mortis laqueis] Death entangling men in his net is not an uncommon idea with the poets. The same occurs in the Psalms: "The snares of death compassed me round about" (cxvi. 3).

9. Campestres melus Scythae] See C. i. 19. 10, n.; 35. 9, n. Herod. iv. 46. 12. Immetata] This does not occur elsewhere. Virgil assigns to the golden age this freedom from enclosures (Georg. i. 125, 126). Liberas' means mon property.'

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14. Nec cultura placet] The habits of the Suevi, as described by Cæsar (Bell. Gall. iv. 1), are here assigned to the Getæ, who are included with the Scythians. They had 100 districts ('pagi ')," says he, "each of which supplied annually 1,000 soldiers, who served a year and were then relieved by others, who in their turn served a year and were relieved. Those who stayed at home cultivated the fields. They had no enclosures, and occupied the same ground only for one year."

15. Defunctumque laboribus] This phrase is applied to death above (C. ii. 18. 38); here it is, and when one has finished his work, a substitute relieves him with an equal share of the toil.'

18. temperat] holds her hands from,' 'parcit.'

19. Nec dotata] The wife who brought a large 'dos' with her might have a tendency to rule her husband. Nec fidit' means she does not trust her rich paramour ('nitido,' 'sleek') to shield her with his influence from her husband's anger.

21. Dos est magna parentium] An ample portion for wives is their virtue and that chastity which, living in unbroken bonds, shrinks from any other man (than the husband).'

27. Pater urbium] This is not a title found elsewhere, but is analogous to 'Pater patriae' (C. i. 2 50, n.). With refrenare licentiam' compare C. iv. 15. 9, sqq. Post-genitis' does not occur elsewhere.

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30. quatenus] Forcellini gives other instances of this sense, 'quandoquidem,' since.' See S. i. 1 64, 3 76 The sentiment is repeated and illustrated in the first epistle of the second book, vv 10, sqq.

33. Quid tristes querimoniae] What is the use of complaining so sadly, if crime is to go unpunished? There were many perhaps who complained, as Horace did, of the state of society, but he says active measures are wanted for the suppression of crime, and these Augustus resorted to, by the enactment of laws regulating expense, marriage, etc. See Epp. ii. 1. 3, n.

35. Quid leges sine moribus] 'But then,' he goes on, laws are of little use, unless the character of the age supports them, for there are vices which the law cannot reach, such as the spirit of avarice,' which he goes on to speak of Tacitus has echoed Horace's words: "Bonae leges minus valent quam boni mores (Germ. 19). See C. iv. 5. 22, n.

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40. Mercatorem] On the 'mercatores,' see C. i. 31 12, n. The enterprise of these men, and the effects their visits had on uncivilized people, are illustrated by the passing notice they get from Cæsar (B. G. i. 1). Speaking of

Selgæ, he says, "Of all these the bravest are the Belgæ, because they are est removed from the civilization and refinement of the Provincia (Gallia), to them the 'mercatores' make less frequent visits than to others, imng those things which tend to make the mind effeminate."

Vel nos in Capitolium] He recommends that the rich should take their h and offer it to the gods in the Capitol, or throw it into the sea.

· Quo clamor vocat] Multitudes, he says, would applaud such a sacrifice, accompany those who made it to the temple.

Formandae]

Formo' occurs in the same sense, C. i. 10. 2. S. i: 4. Epp. ii. 1. 128. A. P. 307.

escit equo rudis] The young are brought up in idle, dissipated habits, nstead of manly exercises they amuse themselves with the childish Greek s and gambling (see S. ii. 2. 11, n.), while their fathers are employed in ng money by fraud.

Seu Graeco jubeas trocho] The 'trochus' was a hoop of metal, and it guided by a rod with a hook at the end, such as boys use now.

• vetita legibus alea,] There were laws at Rome, as there are with us, st gaming, which practice was nevertheless very prevalent among all es, in the degenerate times of the republic and the empire. Juvenal coms that young children learnt it from their fathers (xiv 4).

Consortem socium] This means the partner whose capital ('sors ') was arked with his own. The Romans held it to be a very serious offence for n to cheat his partner. Cicero (pro Rosc. Am. c. 40) says, "in rebus ribus fallere socium turpissimum est." Horace couples the crimes of ing a partner and a ward in Epp. ii. 1. 123.

• improbae] This is one of the most difficult words to which to assign roper meaning. Forcellini gives three or four separate heads with quons illustrative of each, under any one of which most of the examples in others might be classed. Orelli has quoted instances (on C. iii. 9. 22) in h it is applied to labor, a jackdaw, a man, a mountain, a tiger, winter, the Hadriatic Sea. He might have added others, as self-love (S. i. 3. 24), d woman (S. ii. 5. 84), an angry man (S. ii. 6. 29), etc. It implies 'ex' and that excess must be expressed according to the subject described. course, vile wealth increases; still the store falls short, and something 's ng ever.'

ODE XX V.

Is Ode reads at first like an introduction to one on a larger scale in r of Augustus; but we need not suppose that such a sequel ever was posed. The occasion, to judge by the enthusiasm of the language, may been the announcement of the taking of Alexandria, B. c. 30.

RGUMENT. - Bacchus, whither dost thou hurry me? In what woods or s shall I sing of Cæsar added to the gods, a new and noble strain, un1 before?

s the sleepless Euiad looks out from the heights upon the sacred hills and s of Thrace, so do I love to wander by the river-side and in the silent e O thou lord of the Nymphs, no vulgar strain will I sing. I will folthee, for the danger of thy company is sweet.

quae nemora]

The preposition before 'specus' governs both nouns. ec-us' seems to contain the same root as σné-os, the original meaning of ch is unknown The derivation of avтpov is equally uncertain. If, there

fore, there is any distinction between them, etymology does not help us to determine it.

5. meditans] 'Inserere' may be governed by 'audiar,' or 'meditans,' or both. Meditari,' which is akin to μeλerâv, signifies to revolve in the mind,' and often expresses the giving utterance to that which the mind has conceived. Here it has the same meaning as Virgil's "musam meditaris avena,” “meditaris arundine musam.'

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7. Dicam insigne] Aliquid' or 'carmen' must be supplied.

9. Exsomnis stupet Euias] This name for the attendants on Bacchus, like Euius, his own name (C. i. 18. 9; ii. 11. 17), is derived from evoî (Euoc, C. ii. 19. 7), the bacchanal cry. The Euiad catches inspiration by looking out from the hill-tops upon the haunts of the god, and so the poet turns aside from his wonted path to the river-banks and groves where Bacchus is found. The picture of the Euiad looking out with silent awe, through a moonlight winter's night, upon the quiet plains of Thrace, and drawing inspiration from contemplating the scenes that her deity frequents, is very beautiful.

11. pede barbaro] This refers to the troops of Mænads (Maivádes from μαίνομαι, ας Θυιάδες from θύειν, C. i. 17. 23, n.) celebrating the orgies of Bacchus.

12. Rhodopen,] This was a lofty chain which formed the western boundary of Thrace proper, and in which the Hebrus took its rise.

ut mihi] The word that usually follows aeque' is 'ac.' But Horace has 'aeque ut' (C. i. 16. 7-9), and other writers have 'pariter ut,' 'non minus ut' (Prop. i. 15. 7), 'perinde ut,' which are analogous to 'non secus ut. Of this there seems to be no other instance, but perhaps 'ut' is used in preference to ac,' because that word occurs in the line before.

14. Naradum potens Baccharumque] These are the Nymphs mentioned, C. ii. 19. 3. The Bacchæ, as distinguished from the Naïades, are the woodnymphs (Dryades).

19. Lenaee,] This is a name of Bacchus derived from λŋvés, a wine-press. 20. tempora pampino.] Compare C. iv. 8. 33: "Ornatus viridi tempora pampino Liber."

ODE XXVI.

THIS Ode represents a successful gallant's first refusal, and his mortification and wrath at his defeat. It is a purely fanciful composition.

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ARGUMENT. Till now I have fought and won. Now I hang up my arms to Venus. Here, here hang my torches, my bars, and my bow. O thou queen of Cyprus and of Memphis, do but once lay thy rod upon the proud Chloe.

1 idoneus] He means 'till now the women liked me, and my conquests were great and glorious.' The words would be suitable to a youthful lover under the chagrin of a first disappointment. Ovid says love is a warfare, "Militiae species amor est, discedite segnes" (A. A. ii. 233); “Militat omnis amans et habet sua castra Cupido" (Am. i. 9. 1). The arms this lover proposes to hang up in the temple of Venus on the left wall, as being most propitious (but see next Ode, v 15, n.), are the torch that lighted him to his mistress, the crowbar that broke open her door, and the bow and arrows which he carried as emblems of his passion perhaps. For what other purpose he could use them it is not easy to see.

5. marinae] See C. i. 3 1, n.

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Cyprum] See C. 29. 60.

9. Memphin] Herodotus (ii. 112) speaks of a temple at Memphis to n 'Appodiτn, built by Proteus on the occasion of Paris and Helen being en upon the coast of Egypt, according to a local legend, which makes Odotus think that Helen herself was the 'Aopodirη in question. As to onia, see C. i. 18. 9.

. sublimi] 'lifted high,' that the blow might be the sharper.

ODE XXVII.

HE subject of this Ode appears to be a journey to Greece (v. 19), proposed lady of Horace's acquaintance, whom he pretends to deter from her pur, by reciting the dangers she will have to encounter, and the fate that s upon female obstinacy, as illustrated by the story of Europa, which occupies two thirds of the Ode, and puts aside Galatea and her journey. length of the digression is a way with Horace (as in the story of ReguC. iii. 5, and of Hypermnestra, iii. 11), and Pindar took the same liberty greater freedom.

RGUMENT.

- Let the wicked go on their way with evil omens. I do but for thee that the storm may be averted. Be happy, go where thou wilt, remember me, Galatea. Fear not those idle omens: but see the rising m: I know the dangers it portends. May they fall upon my enemy er than on thee. It was thus Europa left her girlish task, and crossed the y night, but feared not, till she stood on the shore of Crete. Then she out in anguish: "Alas! my father, a daughter's name I have aband; love is swallowed up in madness. What an exchange is here! y deaths do I deserve to die. Am I awake, or is it a dream? Was it er to cross the sea than to gather young flowers at home? O that I it avenge myself on that monster, once too dearly loved! Shame on me I left my home; shame that I delay to die. Let me go naked among and perish by tigers, rather than waste away in a lingering death. Vile my father cries, why dost thou not die? Here thou mayest hang by rirdle, or dash thee on the rocks, or into the stormy waves, unless thou dst yield thyself a barbarian's slave."" Then came Venus and her son, laughed mischievously, and said: "Cease thy wrath, when the monster come back to give thee thy revenge. What, knowest thou not that thou he spouse of Jove? Away with sighs. Bear thy noble destiny, for one the world shall take its name from thee."

parrae What this bird was is not determined.

Rava decurrens] The meaning of 'ravus' is not certain. Horace apit to a wolf or a lion (Epod. xvi. 33), in the latter case imitating perhaps er's xарожоì λéovtes (Odyss. xi. 611), for 'ravus' is said to be akin to TOS. The wolf is represented as running down from the hills of Lanu, because that town was near the Appia Via leading to Brundisium, e Galatea would embark.

Si per obliquum] The image of the snake shooting across the road reJacob's prophecy in respect to his son Dan: "Dan shall be a serpent by way; an adder in the path that biteth the horse's heels, so that his rider fall backwards" (Gen. xlix. 17).

ego cui timebol For my part, on behalf of her for whom I am anxious, i far-seeing augur, before that bird (the crow) which tells of the coming 1 shall go back to his stagnant pool, the croaking raven with my prayers

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