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Still greater prospects seemed to open themselves before the Pope in Constantinople. 31 Although the enthusiasm for Crusades was already much diminished, nevertheless Innocent had succeeded, by unwearied efforts, in collecting a new army at Venice (1202.) The crafty Doge, Henry Dandolo, notwithstanding all Papal admonitions, had first made use of the army for the reconquest of Jadera (Zara), then it was induced by the magnificent promises of a Greek Prince, Alexius,32 to undertake an expedition against Constantinople: and when the reinstated Emperor Isaac Angelus was unable to fulfil these promises, Constantinople was conquered (12. April 1204), and a Latin empire established there, by the exaltation of Baldwin, Count of Flanders, to the throne 33 Thus

tionibus sumere. To this also must be added the avarice of Legates (1. c. p. 286): Walo legatus exegit (ann. 1216) procurationes per totam Angliam ab Ecclesiis cathédralibus, et domibus religiosis, pro singulis scilicet procurationibus L solidos. Omnia etiam beneficia Clericorum pariter ac virorum religiosorum, qui Ludovico (the usurping king) et Baronibus auxiliuin, consilium, vel favorem impenderant, sequestravit, quae omnia in suos et Clericorum suorum usus convertit. Thus the Barons had good right to call aloud I. c. p. 278: tu Johannes, lugubris memoriae pro futuris saeculis, ut terra tua, ab antiquo libera, ancillaret, excogitasti, factus de Rege liberrimo tributarius, firmarius (fermier), et vasallus servitutis !—Et quid de te, Papa, qui pater sanctitatis, speculum pietatis, tutor justitiae, et custos veritatis toti mundo deberes lucere in exemplum ? Tali consentis, talem laudas et tueris ? Sed hac causa exhaustorem pecuniae Anglicanae et exactorem Nobilitatis Britannicae tibi inclinantem defendis, ut in barathrum Romanae avaritiae omnia demergantur : sed haec causa et excusatio est ante Deum culpa et accusatio.

31 To the following history some writers of the age contribute. Geoffroi de Ville-Hardouin de la conqueste de Constantinople ann. 1198— 1207 (in l'histoire de l'empire de Constantinople sous les Empereurs francois par C. du Fresne, à Venise 1729. fol.) and Nicetae Choniatae hist. (ann. 1117–1206. ex rec. Imm. Bekkeri, Bonnae 1835). Compare Raumer iii. 195. Schlosser III. ii. i. 29 ff. Wilken v. 60. Hurter i. 416, 469, 519, 619, 691.

32 Concerning these Nicet. Chon. lib. iii. p. 348 ed. Paris. rò dè δή μείζον και ατοπώτατον, παρεκτροπήν πίστεως, οποία τους Λατίνοις ασπάζεται, και των του Πάπα προνομίων καινισμόν, μετάθεσίν τε και μεταποίησιν των παdacã v 'Pwjalous éôv ovykatéleto. According to Vincent. Bellovac. lib. xxix. c. 64, Alexius was bound to pay 100,000 marks to the Venetians, and 100,000 to the Franks.

33 Compare the story in Balduini epist. ad Ottonem Imp. written before the conquest of the city (in Arnoldi chron. Slav. lib. vi. c. 19, also given as Henrici Com. de S. Paulo ep. ad Ducem Brabantiae in

the Church of Constantinople seemed now to be brought into subjection to the Roman See.34 However even now no one doubted the precariousness of this acquisition. For the new Empire already contained the germ of dissolution; on the other hand it completely foiled that powerful enterprise in behalf of Palestine 35

In the latter years of his life Innocent devoted especial attention to the Holy Land :36 King Frederick took the cross even at his coronation : and at the Lateran-Council of the year 1215 (iv. Lateran. xii. Oecum.) one of the most brilliant which had ever been held, the accomplishment of another Crusade was one of

Godefredi Mon. annales in Freher i.), and in Balduini ep. ad omnes fideles, issued after his accession to the throne (in Arnold 1. c. c. 20, as Balduini ep. ad Adolphum Episc. Coloniensem in Godefred. Mon.) The last was sent to the Pope with the necessary alterations in form, ep. Balduini ad Innoc. (Innoc. lib. vii. ep. 152. and in Raynaldus 1204 no. 6).

34 Innocentii ep. ad Clericos in crucesignatorum exercitu dd. Id. Nov. 1204 (lib. vii. ep. 154): Tempus advenisse videtur, in quo destructis vitulis aureis Israel revertatur ad Judam, et ad Hierusalem Samaria convertatur, quatenus atrio, quod secundum Apocalypsim Johannis est extra templum, foras ejecto (A poc. xi. 2), non jam in Dan et Bethel, sed in montem Sion ad Dominum ascendatur etc.

85 Gesta Innocent III. cap. 95: Both the Papal legates for Palestine, immediately after the taking of Constantinople, went thither, et tanta eos secuta est multitudo, non solum Laicorum, sed etiam Clericorum, quod alienigenae paene omnes et indigenae multi, Hierosolymitanam provinciam deserentes, Constantinopolim adierunt. So Reinerus Mon. Leodiens. (+ 1230) in his chronicon ad ann. 1207 (in Martene amp). coll. v. 32), justly remarks: Negotium Graeciae multum impedivit negotium Ecclesiae orientalis. ,

ži Wilken vi. 83 (on the Children's Crusade see Wilken vi. 71, Hurter ii. 452.) Bull for the Crusade of the year 1213 (lib. xv. ep. 28. in Mansi xxii. 956):--omnibus qui laborem istum in propriis personis subierint et expensis, plenam suorum peccaminum, de quibus veraciter fuerint corde contriti et ore confessi, veniam indulgemus, et in retributione justorum salutis aeternae pollicemur augmentum. Eis autem, qui non in personis propriis illuc accesserint, sed in suis duntaxat expensis juxta facultatem et qualitatem suam viros idoneos destinarint, et illis similiter, qui licet in alienis expensis, in propriis tamen personis accesserint, plenam suorum concedimus veniam peccatorum. Hujus quoque remissionis volumus et concedimus esse participes juxta quantitatem subsidii et devotionis effectum omnes, qui ad subventionem terrae sanctae de bonis suis congrue ministrabunt. Personas quoque ipsorum et bona, ex quo crucem assumserint, sub b. Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus etc.

the chief ends in view.37 The enthusiasm for the Holy Land was indeed by no means extinct :38 But in Germany the continuance of the twofold reign of Frederick and Otto led to many unfavourable opinions of the Roman See, which necessarily obstructed its readiness to undertake a fresh Crusade.39

37 In the Bull of Summons (lib. xvi. ep. 30. in Mansi xxii. 960) we find: Illius ergo testimonium invocamus, qui testis est in caelo fidelis, quod inter omnia desiderabilia cordis nostri duo in hoc saeculo principaliter affectamus, ut ad recuperationem videlicet terrae sanctae ac reformationem universalis Ecclesiae valeamus intendere cum effectu. Quapropter-hoc tandem ad exequendum praedicta-providimus faciendum, ut-generale Concilium juxta priscam sanctorum Patruin consuetudinem convocemus, in quo ad exstirpanda vitia et plantandas virtutes, corrigendos excessus et reformandos mores, eliminandas haereses et roborandam fidem, sopiendas discordias et stabiliendam pacem, comprimendas oppressiones et libertatem fovendam, inducendos Principes et populos christianos ad succursum et subsidium terrae sanctae tam a Clericis quam a Laicis impendendum,-provide statuantur,-quaecunque de ipsius approbatione Concilii visa fuerint expedire etc.

38 Compare the troubadour Pierre d'Auvergne (in French by Millot vol. ii. p. 20, in the original by Raynouard vol. iv. p. 115. Dieu exige, que nous le suivions pour aller reprendre son saint sépulcre. Suivonsle donc, comme l'église l'ordonne. Celui qui mourra, pourra dire à Dieu : Si tu es mort pour moi, ne suis-je pas mort pour toi ? (Like St Lewis in Humbertus de Romanis c. 17. See below § 58, note 4.) Then come demands requiring the Emperor Otto, Kings Philip Augustus and John, to make peace and take the cross. Quiconque restera, l'enfer sera son partage.

39 Compare Walter von der Vogelweide: 8. Gedichte herausgeb. von K. Lachmann. Berlin 1827. s. 34 :

Ahî wie kristenliche nû der bâbest lachet,
swanne er sînen Walben (Welschen) seit: ich hânz alsó gemachet,

-ich hân zwên Almân under eine krône brâht,
daz siz rîche sulen stoeren unde wasten.
ie (immer) dar under füllen wir die kasten :
ich hâns an inînen stoc (truncus, Geldkasten) gement (getrieben), ir

guot ist allez min:
ir tiutschez silber vert in mînen welschen schrîn.
ir pfaffen, ezzent hüenr und trinkent win,
unde lânt die Tiutschen - - vasten.

Sagt an, hêr stoc, hât iuch der babest her gesendet,
daz ir in rîchet, und uns Tiutschen ermet unde pfendet ?
Swenn im diu volle mâze kumt ze Latrân,
sô tuot er einen argen list, als er ê hật getân :
ich waen des silbers wênic kumet ze helfe in gotes lant:
grôzen hort zerteilet selten pfaffen hant.
hêr stoc, ir sit ûf schaden her gesant,
daz ir uz tiutschen liuten suochet toerinne unde narren.

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HONORIUS III. (1216—1227.) GREGORY IX. (1227_1241.)

Principal sources: From this time Raynaldi ann. eccles. are important, because

of their extracts from the unprinted “Regestis" of the Popes. Raumer Gesch. d. Hohenstaufen iii. 311, has contributed some new extracts, in translations, from the Regestis Honorii III., and Greg. IX. (MSS. in the Vatican Library and the Archives.) Besides these are Frederick the Second's Letters in the Epistles of his Chancellor, Petri de Vineis epistolarum libb. vi. ed. Sim. Schardius. Basil. 1566. 8. novam edit. adjectis var. lectt. curavit J. R. Iselius. Basil. 1740. 2 Tomi. 8., also in Martene ampliss. collect. ii. 1134, in Baluzii miscellan. i. 446, in Hahnii collectio monumentorum i. 209, in Matthaeus Paris and Raynaldus.- The Historian is

Richardus de S. Germ. (see before 8 54.) When the young Emperor, Frederick II., set free from his cramping state of tulelage by the death of Innocent III. sought to attain a more independent position in his kingdom, he would undoubtedly at first have fallen out with the Roman see, which had now reached the pinnacle of its power, had not the personal character of the new Pontiff, Honorius III., been mild and yielding. Thus he suffered himself to be reasoned into acquiescence, when Frederick caused his son, Henry, who had been already appointed King of Sicily, to be chosen King of Germany also (April 1220), Compare the same author in Lachmann s. 25 :

Künc Constantîn der gap số vil,
als ich ez iu bescheiden wil,
dem stuol ze Rôme, sper, kriuz unde krône.
Zehant der engel lûte schre :
owê, owe, zem dritten wê!
ê (vordem) stuont diu kristenheit mit zühten schone :
Der ist ein gift nû gevallen,
ir honec ist worden zeiner gallen.
daz wird der werlt hernâch vil leit.
alle fürsten lebent nû mit êren,
wan der hoehste ist geswachet :
daz bât der pfaffen wal gemachet.
daz si dir, süezer got, gekleit.
die pfaffen wellent leien reht verkêren.

der engel hât uns wâr geseit. Also Johannes de Parrhisiis (see below § 59, note 36) quotes from a vita Sylvestri : quod in donatione illa audita est vox angelorum, dicentium in aëre : Hodie in Ecclesia venenum effusum est.

He won over the German Prelates, by the grant of further privileges and allowed him notwithstanding to be crowned Emperor (22. Nov. 1220.) In the same manner Frederick met with but little opposition from the Pope, when he afterwards began to restore in his Sicilian dominions, the rights of the crown, which had been almost forgotten during the Papal Protectorate. With regard to the subjection of Lombardy, Frederick's aim in the diet of Cremona (1226) and the renewal of the Lombard League occasioned thereby, the Pope indeed openly took the side of the latter. When, however, Frederick soon seemed to forego this enterprize, it did not interrupt his relations with the Pope.

in the confederatio cum Principibus ecclesiasticis, Francof. 6 Kal. Maji 1220 in Pertz iv. 236. Frederick's communication of this to the Pope is in Raynald. ann. 1220. no. 12 ss., in which he says (no. 16) Videtur autem nobis, quod -- non ob aliud proinotionem nostri filii gravem fertis, nisi quia de unione Regni cum Imperio dubitatis. Quod equidem timere, aut suspicari non debet Ecclesia mater nostra.Absit enim, quod Imperium commune aliquid habere debeat cum Regno: -tales nos exhibebimus apostolicae Sanctitati, quod merito gaudere poterit mater Ecclesia talem filium procreasse. Nam etsi in Regno jus aliquod Ecclesia non haberet, et nos sine haerede decedere legitimo eveniret, prius ipso Romanam Ecclesiam quam Imperium dotaremus. cf. J. D. Ritter diss. de electione Henrici VII. Vitemb. 1752. 4. Raumer iii. 329.

2 The juramentum which Frederick drew up in Hagenau Sept. 1219, and promised to take at his coronation (in Raynald. 1274. no. 4. Pertz iv. 232. Spicilegium Rom. vi. 239), is to the same purport, as the engagement of 1213 (8 54, note 17 and 20.) Here according to Pertz in the promissio, but not in the juramentum, after the words adjutores etiam erimus ad defendendum Ecclesiae Romanae regnum Siciliae, is found the addition, nec non Corsicam et Sardiniam, which in Raynald. 1213 no. 25 is falsely introduced also into the promissio of 1213. The documents on the coronatio Romana are in Pertz. iv. 240: especially the constitution granted by the Emperor on his coronation day, for the liberties of the Church and clergy, against heretics, against the right of appropriating stranded goods, for the protection of foreigners and agriculturists l. c. p. 243, also in Corpus juris civilis ed. Kriegel. P. ii. (ed. E. Osenbrüggen) p. 884.

3 The epistle of Honorius to Frederick ann. 1226, which especially illustrates these circumstances, Miranda tuis sensibus etc. (Raumer iii. 400) is printed at length in Mansi xxiii. 91 (by mistake as an epistle of Gregory IX.) and in the Notices et extraits ii. 258.

4 On his mediations in party politics Raumer iii. 409. Godofred. Mon. ad. ann. 1226 speaks directly to the point : P. Honorius—mittens Alatrinum Capellanum suum, cujus suggestione Mediolanum et multae civitates complices contra Imperatorem conjuraverunt, facientes collegium, quod Longobardorum societas per multa tempora est vocatum.

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