thought he should obtain a faithful ally for this purpose when he raised his Chancellor, Thomas a Becket, to the see of Canterbury (1162.) However, the new rank changed him all at once into the most arrogant of priests, one whose spiritual pride was but barely clad with a monkish show of humility. In a meeting of the Estates of the realm at Clarendon (1164), Henry had the ancient statutes with regard to the clergy revived.25 The whole eccleaudiente declaratum dicitur, plus quam centum homicidia intra fines Angliae a clericis sub regno ejus commissa.-Nempe Episcopi dum defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus, quam eorum vitiis corrigendis resecandisque invigilant, arbitrantur obsequium se praestare Deo et Ecclesiae, si facinorosos clericos, quos pro officii debito canonicae vigore censurae coërcere vel nolunt vel negligunt, contra publicam tueantur disciplinam. Unde clerici-habentes per impunitatem agendi, quodcunque libuerit, licentiam et libertatem, neque Deum, -neque homines potestatem habentes reverentur, cum et episcopalis circa eos sollicitudo sit languida, et sacculari eos jurisdictioni sacri eximat ordinis praerogativa.

25 Matthew Paris ad ann. 1164, and quoted from him in the collection of Synodical acts (in Mansi xxi. 1187) Anno Dom. MCLXIV. in praesentia Regis Henrici apud Clarendoram-facta est recognitio sive recordatio cujusdam partis consuetudinum et libertatum antecessorum suorum, Regis videl. Henrici, avi sui, et aliorum, quae observari debebant in regno, et ab omnibus teneri, propter dissensiones et discordias saepe emergentes inter clerum et justitiarios domini Regis et Magnatum regni. Harum vero consuetudinuin recognitarum quaedam pars in XVI. capitulis continetur. (The following capitula also have been contributed by Baronius ann. 1164, no 37, from a manuscript in the Vatican, with the Pontifical Damnamus or Toleranus attached to each, from him they are taken by Mansi xxi. 1194.) I. De advocatione et praesentatione Ecclesiarum si controversia emerserit inter laicos, vel inter laicos et clericos, vel inter clericos, in curia domini Regis tractetur et terminetur. Damn. II. Ecclesiae de feudo domini Regis non possunt inperpetuum dari absque concessione ipsius. Toler. III. Clerici accusati de quacunque re, summoniti a justitiario Regis, veniant in curiam ipsius, responsuri ibidem de hoc, unde videbitur curiae Regis, quod ibi sit respondendum, et in curia ecclesiastica unde videbitur, quod ibi sit respondendum: ita quod Regis justitiarius mittet in curiam s. Ecclesiae ad videndum, quomodo res ibi tractabitur. Et si clericus convictus vel confessus fuerit, non debet eum de caetero Ecclesia tueri. Damn. (cf. Radulph. de Diceto ad ann. 1164. Rex-incongruum esse considerans, clericos a suis justitiariis in publico flagitio deprehensos Episcopo loci reddendos, decreverat, ut quos Episcopus inveniret obnoxios, praesente justitiari. Regis exauctoraret, et post curiae traderet puniendos. In contrarium. sentiebant Episcopi : quos enim exauctorarent, a manu laicali conteno debant protegere; alioquin bis judicaretur in idipsum.) IV. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis et personis Regni non licet exire Regnum absque licentia domini Regis, et si exierint, si Regi placuerit, securum eum

E

siastical body, and Thomas among them, swore to observe them. Not long after he made his appearance in the character of a rueful penitent, he had himself absolved from his oath by the Pope, and escaped the King's vengeance by flight into France. Whilst Henry upheld his constitutions by sternness and cruelty, Thomas sought to make an impression by complaints, exhortations, and threats. However the interest of the Pope 26 as well as of the King, required that the matter should not be pushed to the utmost and so at last a reconciliation ensued (1170.)

facient, quod nec in eundo, nec in redeundo, vel moram faciendo perquirent malum sive damnum domino Regi vel Regno. Damn.VII. Nullus, qui de Rege tenet in capite, nec aliquis dominicorum ministrorum ejus, excommunicetur, nec alicujus eorum terrae sub interdicto ponantur, nisi prius dominus Rex, si in regno fuerit, conveniatur, vel justitiarius ejus, si fuerit extra Regnum, ut rectum de eo faciat, et ita quod pertineat ad Regis curiam, ibi terminetur, et quod spectat ad curiam ecclesiasticam, ad eandem mittatur, ut ibidem terminetur. Damn. VIII. De appellationibus si emerserint, ab Archidiacono debebit procedi ad Episcopum, ab Episcopo ad Archiepiscopum, et si Archiepiscopus defuerit in justitia exhibenda, ad dominum Regem perveniendum est postremo, ut praecepto ipsius in curia Archiepiscopi controversia terminetur; ita quod non debeat ultra procedi absque assensu domini Regis. Damn. IX. Si calumnia emerserit inter clericum et laicum, vel e converso, de ullo tenemento, quod clericus velit ad eleemosynam trahere, vel laicus ad laicum feudum, per recognitionem XII. legalium hominum, juxta capitalis justitiarii Regis considerationem terminabitur, utrum tenementum sit pertinens ad eleemosynam sive ad laicum feudum, coram justitiario Regis. Damn.-XI. Archiepiscopi, Episcopi et universae personae Regni, qui de Rege tenent in capite, habeant possessiones suas de Rege sicut baroniam, et inde respondeant justitiariis et ministris Regis, et sequantur et faciant omnes rectitudines et consuetudines regias; et sicut caeteri barones debent interesse judiciis curiae Regis cum Baronibus, quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem. Toler. XII. Cum vacaverit archiepiscopatus, vel episcopatus, vel abbatia, vel prioratus in dominio Regis, esse debet in manu ipsius, et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus sicut dominicos reditus suos. Et cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiam, debet dominus Rex mandare potiores personas Ecclesiae, et in capella ipsius Regis debet fieri electio, assensu ipsius Regis et consilio personarum Regis, quas ad hoc faciendum advocaverit. Et ibidem faciet electus homagium et fidelitatem Regi, sicut ligio domino suo, de vita sua et membris, et de honore terreno, salvo ordine suo, priusquam consecretur. Damn. -XV. Placita de debitis, quae fide interposita debentur, vel absque interpositione fidei, sint in justitia Regis. Damn.

26 As to the negotiations of Henry with the Emperor Frederick

Thomas was beginning again to spread terror and confusion by ecclesiastical arrogance, when four knights murdered him (29th December 1170.) 27 But as Henry was generally considered the instigator of the deed, so the Pope might wrest from him important concessions (1172.) Thomas was canonized, and as

about the acknowledgment of the Antipope Pascal at the Council of Wurtzburg, see Mansi xxi. 1113.

27 On his death and the miracles at his tomb, see Johannis Sarisbur. ep. 286. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxiii. 528.)

Nos

28 See Gervasius Cantuar. and Roger de Hoveden ad ann. 1172. Charta absolutionis domini Regis: Henrico Dei gratia illustri Regi Anglorum Albertus-et Theodinus-presbyteri Cardinales, apostolicae sedis legati, salutem in eo, qui dat salutem Regibus. mandatum illud in scriptum duximus redigendum, quod vobis pro eo facimus, quia malefactores illos, qui sanctae memoriae Thomam quondam Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum occiderunt, occasione motus et turbationis, quam viderant in vobis, ad illud facinus processisse timetis. Super quo tamen facto purgationem in praesentia nostra de voluntate propria praestitistis, quod videlicet nec praecepistis nec voluistis, ut occideretur, et quando pervenit ad vos, plurimum condoluistis. Ab instanti festo Pentecostes usque ad annum tantam dabitis pecuniam, unde ad arbitrium fratrum templi ducenti milites valeant ad defensionem terrae Hierosolymitanae per spatium unius anni teneri. Vos autem a sequenti natali Domini usque ad triennium accipietis crucem, proxima tunc aestate illuc in propria persona, ducente Domino, profecturi, nisi remanseritis per dominum Papam, vel catholicos successores ejus. Sane si contra Saracenos pro urgente necessitate in Hispaniam profecti fueritis; quantum temporis fuerit, ex quo arripueritis iter, tantundem supradictum spatium Jerosolymitanae perfectionis poteritis prolongare. Appellationes nec impedietis, nec impediri permittetis, quin libere fiant in ecclesiasticis causis ad Romanum Pontificem, bona fide et absque fraude et malo ingenio, ut per Romanum Pontificem causae tractentur, et consequantur effectum suum: sic tamen, ut, si vobis suspecti fuerint aliqui, securitatem faciant, quod malum vestrum, vel Regni vestri nor. quaerunt. Consuetudines, quae inductae sunt contra Ecclesias terrae vestrae in tempore vestro, penitus dimittetis. Possessiones Cantuariensis Ecclesiae, si quae ablatae sunt, in plenum restituetis, sicut habuit uno anno antequam Archiepiscopus de Anglia egrederetur. Clericis praeterea et laicis utriusque sexus pacem vestram in gratiam, et possessiones suas restituetis, qui occasione praenominati Archiepiscopi destituti fuerunt. Haec autem vobis, auctoritate domini Papae, in remissionem peccatorum vestrorum injungimus et praecipimus observare absque fraude et malo ingenio. Hoc sane coram multitudine personarum juravistis vos pro divinae reverentia majestatis : juravit et filius vester, excepto eo, quod personam vestram specialiter contingebat. Et jurastis ambo, quod a Papa domino Alexandro et catholicis successoribus ejus, quamdiu vos sicut antecessores vestros et

Henry soon after was thrown into great embarrassment by the rebellion of his sons: he was compelled, in order to win over public feeling to his side, to undergo a disgraceful penance at the tomb of his adversary (1174.)

Alexander III. began to dispose of the kingdoms of the world in a new way, when he declared the independence of Portugal, to which Castile and Leon laid claim, and granted to it the conquests to be won from the Saracens. 29 He sought to obviate the disputed elections so dangerous to the Papal power, by means of a decree of the third Lateran Council (1179), in which, at the same time, the entire dependence of the election upon the Cardinals, just as it was already constituted at that period, was formally recognized. 30

catholicos Reges habuerint, minime recedetis. The Juramentum Innocentiae Henrici R. in the vita Alexandri III. ex Card. Aragon. (in Muratori III. i., 462), and quoted from him by Baronius 1172, no. 5, is probably the Papal draft, and was certainly not executed by the King in this shape. Comp. the conclusion: Praeterea ego et major filius meus Rex juramus, quod a domno Alexandro P. et ejus catholicis successoribus recipiemus et tenebimus Regnum Angliae, et nos, et nostri successores in perpetuum non reputabimus nos Angliae Reges veros, donec ipsi nos catholicos Reges tenuerint. From the letter of the Papal Legate to the Archbishop of Ravenna (in Roger. de Hoveden, I. c.) it is clear that at first they could not effect an agreement with the King. In the year 1173 Henry writes with a view to bring over the Pope to his side against his sons (Petri Bles. ep. 136. in Baron. 1173 no. 10): Vestrae jurisdictionis est Regnum Angliae, et quantum ad feudatarii juris obligationem vobis dumtaxat obnoxius teneor et adstringor. Experiatur Anglia, quid possit Romanus Pontifex etc., and thus it is possible that the oath also may have been interpolated by a Roman hand to suit these later events.

29 The Bull addressed to Alphonso I. King of Portugal in Brandao Monarchia Lusit. lib. x., and in Aschbach's Gesch. Spaniens u. Portugals zur Zeit der Almoraviden und Almohaden ii. 296:-personam tuam-sub b. Petri et nostram protectionem suscipimus, et Regnum Portugallensium cum integritate honoris, Regni dignitate, quae ad Reges pertinet, nec non et omnia loca, quae cum auxilio caelestis gratiae de Saracenorum manibus eripueris, in quibus jus sibi non possunt christiani Principes circumpositi vindicare, Excellentiae tuae concedimus, et auctoritate apostolica confirmamus. Ad indicium autem, quod praescriptum Regnum b. Petri juris existat, pro amplioris reverentiae argumento, statuisti duas marcas auri annis singulis nobis nostrisque successoribus persolvendas.

3 Conc. Lateran. iii. c. 1. (Mansi xxii. 217): Statuimus igitur, ut si forte, inimico homine superseminante zizania, inter Cardinales de

$53.

LUCIUS III. (1181–1185), URBAN III. (+ OCT. 1187), GREGORY VIII. (+ IN DEC. 1187), CLEMENT III. (+ 1191), CELESTINE III. († 8. JAN. 1198.)

Hazardous times for the Papacy seemed to be at hand. Whilst the disturbances at Rome began afresh, and Lucius III. and his immediate successor had to wander from place to place in Italy;1 Frederick consolidated his power more and more in this country. He made peace with the Lombards at Constance (25. June 1183.) Then he even negotiated the marriage of his son Henry with Constantia, heiress of Sicily (27. Jan. 1186),3 and seemed thereby to have deprived the Pope of his most trusty ally against the Empire. The Papacy set on foot a counteracting policy. Frederick had already fallen out with Lucius III., on the occasion of a disputed episcopal election at Treves (1183.)* But Urban III. opposed the Emperor in a yet more hostile substituendo Pontifice non potuerit concordia plena esse, et duabus partibus concordantibus tertia pars noluerit concordare, aut sibi alium praesumserit ordinare; ille Romanus Pontifex habeatur, qui a duabus partibus fuerit electus et receptus. Si quis autem de tertiae partis nominatione confisus, quia rem non potest, sibi nomen Episcopi usurpaverit : tam ipse, quam qui eum receperint, excommunicationi subjaceant, et totius sacri ordinis privatione mulctentur, ita ut viatici eis etiam, nisi tantum in ultimis, communio denegetur, et nisi resipuerint, cum Dathan et Abiron, quos terra vivos absorbuit, accipiant portionem. Praeterea si a paucioribus aliquis, quam a duabus partibus fuerit electus ad apostolatus officium, nisi major concordia intercesserit, nullatenus assumatur, et praedictae poenae subjaceat, si humiliter noluerit abstinere. Ex hoc tamen nullum canonicis constitutionibus et aliis Ecclesiis praejudicium generetur, in quibus majoris et sanioris partis debet sententia praevalere: quia quod in eis dubium venerit, superioris poterit judicio diffiniri. In Romano vero Ecclesia aliquid speciale constituitur, quia non potest recursus ad superiorem haberi. Cf. Mabillon comm. in ordinem Rom.

p. cxv.

1 Chronicon Fossæ novæ (written about 1217) in Muratorii scriptt. rer. It. vii. 875. Guilelmi de Nangis (about 1301) chronicon in d'Achery specileg. iii. 13.

2 The documents of the treaty in Corp. juris civ., after manuscripts noticed in Muratorii antiqu. Ital. iv. 307, in Pertz iv. 175. Comp. Voigt Gesch. des Lombarden-Bundes, s. 329 ff. Raumer ii. 275.

ff.

3 W. Jäger Gesch. Kaiser Heinrichs VI. Nürnberg 1793. 8. s. 16, Raumer ii. 310.

4 On this head most full and authentic are the Gesta Trevirorum