to endeavour by excuses to soften their indignation (1158.)" Thereupon Frederick went a second time into Italy,1o held a brilliant Parliament on the Roncalian fields, and here (1158) had the Imperial privileges defined, according to the fundamental principles of the Roman jurisprudence, by civilians from Bologna.1 11 statement of the Emperor, to the Pope himself: Duo sunt, quibus nostrum regi oportet imperium, leges sanctae Imperatorum et usus bonus praedecessorum et patrum nostrorum. Istos limites Ecclesiae nec volumus praeterire, nec possumus: quicquid ab his discordat, non recipimus. Debitam patri nostro reverentiam libenter exhibemus ; liberam Imperii nostri coronam divino tantum beneficio adscribimus, electionis primam vocem Moguntino Archiepiscopo, deinde quod superest, caeteris secundum ordinem Principibus recognoscimus, regalem unctionem Coloniensi, supremam vero, quae imperialis est, summo Pontifici quicquid praeter haec est, ex abundanti est, a malo est.In capite orbis Deus per Imperium exaltavit Ecclesiam, in capite orbis Ecclesia (non per Deum, ut credimus) nunc demolitur Imperium. A pictura coepit, ad scripturam pictura processit, scriptura in auctoritatem prodire conatur. Non patiemur, non sustinebimus: coronam ante ponemus, quam Imperii coronam una nobiscum sic deponi consentiamus. Picturae deleantur, scripturae retractentur, ut inter Regnum et Sacerdotium aeterna inimicitiarum monumenta non remaneant. Accordingly, the bishops advise ut magnanimitatem filii vestri, sicut bonus Pastor, leniatis scriptis vestris scripta priora suavitate mellita dulcorantibus etc. 9 Hadriani ep. ad. Frid. (in Radevicus i. c. 22, in Mansi xxi. 793): -Occasione siquidem cujusdam verbi, quod est, "beneficium" tuus animus, sicut dicitur, est commotus, quod utique, nedum tanti viri, sed nec cujuslibet minoris animum merito commovisset. Licet enim hoc nomen quod est beneficium, apud quosdam in alia significatione, quam ex impositione habeat, assumatur: tunc tamen in ea significatione accipiendum fuerat, quam nos ipsi posuimus, et quam ex institutione sua noscitur retinere. Hoc enim nomen ex bono et facto est editum, et dicitur beneficium apud nos non feudum, sed bonum factum.-Et tua quidem Magnificentia liquido recognoscit, quod nos ita bene et honorifice imperialis diguitatis insigne tuo capiti imposuimus, ut bonum factum valeat ab omnibus judicari. Unde quod quidam verbum hoc et illud, scilicet: Contulimus tibi insigne imperialis coronae, a sensu suo visi sunt ad alium retorquere: non ex merito causae, sed de voluntate propria, et illorum suggestione, qui pacem Regni et Ecclesiae nullatenus diligunt, hoc egerunt. Per hoc enim vocabulum contulimus nil aliud intelleximus, nisi quod superius dictum est imposuimus. 10 For what follows see Planck IV. i. 375. Lombarden-Bundes, s. 13. Schlosser III. i. 309. 11 The four doctors of Ravenna were Bulgarus, Jacobus Hugolinus, and Hugo de Porta Ravennate. that the Emperor was the Lord of the world, taken law (Dig. lib. xiv. tit. 2. 1. 9: Ego quidem mundi dominus), began to Voigt Gesch. des Raumer ii. 84. As the Bishops and the Pope were injured thereby in many points,12 strict explanations ensued betwixt the latter and the Emperor,13 and Hadrian was just on the point of pronouncing the ban upon Frederick when he died (1159.) be vindicated (see the anecdote in Otto Morena, according to the edition of Ossius in Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. vi. 1018): and the Archbishop of Milan utters the following maxims in an address to the Emperor (Radevicus ii. c. 4) Scias itaque omne jus populi in condendis legibus tibi concessum, tua voluntas jus est, sicuti dicitur : Quod Principi placuit, legis habet vigorem, cum populas ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem concesserit. Quodcunque enim Imperator per epistolam constituerit, vel cognoscens decreverit, vel edicto praeceperit, legem esse constat. Very nobly does Frederick speak his mind on this point, in the speech with which he opened the diet (1. c. cap. 3): Nos regium nomen habentes, desideramus potius legitimum tenere imperium pro conservanda cuique sua libertate et jure, quam, ut dicitur, omnia impune facere, h. e. Regem esse, per licentiam insolescere, et imperandi officium in superbiam dominationemque convertere.--Sed nec per nostram desidiam quemquam Imperii gloriam et excellentiam imminuere patie mur. 12 Especially by the following act. Before now, in the year 1136, Lothair had passed a law in the Roncalian diet, nemini licere beneficia, quae a suis senioribus habet, sine ipsorum permissione distrahere (cod. de feudis tit. 52.) Frederick renewed this decree in the present diet (Radevicus ii. c. 7, Cod. de feud. tit. 55): sancimus, ut nulli liceat feudum totum vel partem aliquam vendere, vel pignorare, vel quomodolibet alienare, vel pro anima judicare, sine permissione majoris domini, ad quem feudum spectare dinoscitur. Unde Imperator Lotharius tantum in futurum cavens, ne fieret, promulgavit. Nos autem ad pleniorem regui utilitatem providentes, non solum in posterum, sed etiam hujusmodi prius illicitas alienationes perpetratas hac praesenti sanctione cassamus, et in irritum deducimus etc. Guntheri Ligurinus ix. v. 105 ss.: Praecipue postquam sua jura recognita fisco 18 The two bitter letters from Hadrian to Frederick, and from Frederick to Hadrian, in the appendix to Radevicus (in Baron. ann. 1159 no. 5 and 6.) Muratori annal. vi. 536, considers as spurious, yet without proof. The point at issue one sees most exactly from the negotiations of a Papal Embassy with the Emperor, of which Eberhard Bishop of Bamberg, present at the time, sends intelligence to Eberhard Archbishop of Saltzburg (ap. Radevicum ii. c. 30.) The Pope made the following demands: Nuntios ad Urbem ignorante Apostolico ab Imperatore non Notwithstanding this two parties had grown up in the College of Cardinals, one Imperial, the other Sicilian:14 a disputed election was the consequence. Victor IV. was recognized by Frederick, Alexander III. in most other countries.15 Meanwhile the hatred of the Lombards against Frederick was aggravated more and more by oppressions.16 The Veronese League was formed;17 encouraged by Alexander's return to Rome esse mittendos, cum omnis magistratus inibi b. Petri sit cum universis regalibus. De dominicalibus Apostolici fodrum non esse colligendum, nisi tempore suscipiendae coronae. Episcopos Italiae solum sacramentum fidelitatis sine hominio facere debere domino Imperatori. Neque nuntios Imperatoris in palatiis Episcoporum recipiendos. De possessionibus Ecclesiae Romanae restituendis, et tributis Ferrariae, Massae Ficorolu, totius terrae Comitissae Mathildis, totius terrae quae ab Aquapendente est usque Romam, ducatus Spoletani, insularum Sardiniae, Corsicae. Frederick had many counter-grievances. On this proposal being made, he answered: Quamvis non ignorem ad tanta nogotia non ex animi mei sententia, sed ex consilio Principum me respondere debere, sine praejudicio tamen sapientum hoc absque consultatione respondeo. Episcoporum Italiae ego quidem non effecto hominium, si tamen et eos de nostris regalibus nihil delectat habere. Qui si gratanter audierint a Romano Praesule: quid tibi et Regi? consequenter quoque eos ab Imperatore non pigeat audire: quid tibi et possessioni? (according to Augustini in Joannem tract 6, in Gratianus dist. viii. c. 1.) Nuntios nostros non esse recipiendos in palatiis Episcoporum asserit. Concedo, si forte aliquis Episcoporum habet in suo proprio solo et non in nostro palatium. Si autem in nostro solo et allodio sunt palatia Episcoporum, cum profecto omne quod aedificatur solo cedat (according to Digestor. lib. xli. tit. 1. leg. 7, § 10), nostra sunt et palatia. Injuria ergo esset, si quis nuntios nostros a regiis palatiis prohiberet. Legatos ab Imperatore ad Urbem non esse mittendos affirmat, cum omnis magistratus inibi b. Petri sit cum universis regalibus. Haec res, fateor, magna est et gravis, graviorique et maturiori egens consilio. Nam cum divina ordinatione ego Romanus Imperator et dicar et sim, speciem tantum dominantis effingo, et inane utique porto, nomen ac sine re, si urbis Romae de manu nostra potestas fuerit excussa. 14 There are traces of this above in note 8. 15 Plank IV. i. 384. Raumer ii. 123. H. Reuters. Gesch. Alexander III. u. d. Kirche s. Zeit. Bd. i. (Berlin 1845), s. 129, 401. The circular-letter of the Concil. Papiense ann. 1160, in behalf of Victor, which Mansi xxi. 1117 gives also, but only in a mutilated form from Radevicus de gestis, Frid. i. lib. ii. c. 70, is to be seen complete in Edw. Brown's appendix ad fasciculum rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum. Lond. 1690, fol. p. 552. 16 Geschichte der Verhältnisse des Kaisers zu den Lombarden b. Voigt s. 19, ff. Raumer ii. 113, 179. 17 Voigt s. 55. Raumer ii. 185. 19 (1165)18 it quickly extended itself as a Lombard League, fought with increasing advantage against the Emperor, and forced him at last by the battle of Legnano (1176)20 to submission. Alexander's cause had been hitherto one with that of the Lombards in order to separate them, Frederick gave up his Pope ;21 he made peace with Alexander at Venice (1177), whilst he only granted to the Lombards a truce for six years.22 18 Voigt s. 80. 19 Voigt s. 89. 20 Voigt s. 266. Raumer ii. 197. Raumer ii. 244. 21 After Victor IV. († 1164) Pascal III. succeeded, who canonized Charlemagne at Frederick's request (1165 Act. ss. ad d. 28, Jan. p. 888. C. G. F. Walchii hist. canonisat. Caroli M. Jenae 1750. 8.), 1168, then followed Calixtus III. Raumer ii. 246. 22 Voigt, s. 274. Schlosser iii. i. 327. About the negotiations for peace there are two detailed narratives, one in the life of Alexander III., ex Card. Aragon. (in Muratori III. i. 467), the other in the chronicle of Romualdi Archiep. Salernitani, who as Sicilian ambassador was present at the time (in Muratori vii. 217.) The acts in Baronius, 1177, no. 13, ss., are only extracts from these two sources. Besides these are Alex. III. epistt. ad Petrum Abb. Casin., ad Richardum Archiep. Cantuariensem, and ad Rogerium Archiep. Eboracensem in Baronius 1. c. no. 24-26, in Mansi xxii. 178. For the negotiations between the Lombards and Frederick, see the legal documents in Muratorii antiquitt. Ital. medii aevi iv. 275, between William of Sicily and Frederick in Romualdus 1. c. The most important legal document on Frederick's negotiations with the Pope is Pax et reconciliatio inter Alex. III. P. et Frid. I. Imp. Anagniae tractata atque praeliminariter conventa ann. 1176 (is handed down to us ex archivis Anagniensibus by Sigonius hist. Italiae lib. xiv., but with arbitrary alterations, and thus adopted into Goldasti constitt. imperiall. iii., 360. The genuine text ex cod. Claustro-Neoburgensi in J. D. Schoepflini commentatt. histor. et crit. Basil. 1741. 4, p. 533, ss.) The principal conditions are acknowledgment of Alexander as Pope, a fifteen years' peace with William, King of Sicily, a six years peace with the Lombards. Besides III. Omnem vero possessionem et tenimentum sive praefecturae sive rei alterius, quam Ecclesia Romana habuit, et ipse abstulit per se vel per alios, bona fide restituet [ei salvo omni jure Imperii. Ecclesia quoque Romana omnem possessionem et tenimentum, quod ei abstulit per se vel per alios, bona fide ei restituet] salvo omni jure Ecclesiae Romanae. (The words in brackets are left out by Sigonius). About Matilda's lands, which had been surrendered to the Emperor by Guelph VI. in the year 1167, the negotiations led to no conclusion. The Pope allowed the Emperor no more than a provisional right of possession, during the fifteen years of the peace with Sicily. Then should all be definitely settled (Scheidii origines Guelficae ii. 382.) The statements of Italian Alexander maintained a still more glorious struggle with Henry II., King of England.23 Instead of the strict subjection in which the English clergy were kept by the Kings William I. and II., under Stephen (1135–1154), an almost complete independence had been introduced. This drew many evident disorders in its train. Henry II. wished to restore the former relations.24 He writers, since the fourteenth century, of some disgraceful humiliations, which Frederick was obliged to submit to in Venice (see on this head six papers in J. R. Wegelin thesaurus rerum Suevicarum vol. ii. Lindav. 1757. fol), are decidedly contradicted from the narrative of an eye-witness in the Chronicon Venetum, quod Altinate nuncupatur, in d. Archivio storico italiano t. viii. (Firenze 1845. 8), p. 174. 23 Sources for the following history: Thomæ Becket epistolarum libb. vi. ed. Christ. Lupus. Bruxell. 1682. 4. Vita Thomae, by four of his adherents, Joannes Sarisbur. (in ejusd. epist. Paris, 1611. 4.), Wilhelmus Stephanides (in histor. Anglic. scriptt. ed. Jos. Sparke. Lond. 1723, fol.), Alanus and Herebertus de Bosham, from which four lives, the Quadrilogus de vita s. Thomae, was composed by command of the Pope. (It is found in its best form before Thomae epistt. ed. Chr. Lupus.) S. Thomas Cantuariensis ed. J. A. Giles. Oxon. 1846, ss. 8, contains in vols. 1 and 2 the life of Thomas, by Joh. Sarisb., Wilhelmus, Alanus, and several other men of the time; vol. 3 and 4, epistolae Thomae, greatly enlarged; vol. 5 and 6, epistolae Gilberti Foliot (Bishop of London and enemy of Thomas); vol. 7 and 8, Herberti de Bosham (Thomas' secretary) opera. The life and letters of Thomas a Becket, by J. A. Giles, London 1846, 2 vols., is a compilation from these sources. Besides, compare Gervasii Cantuariensis (1199) chron. rerum in Anglia gestarum (in scriptt. x. Anglic. Lond. 1652, fol.), Radulphus de Diceto (1198) imagines historiarum ab. ann. 1148 ad ann. 1200 (ibid.), Guilelmus Parvus Neubrigensis (1197) de rebus Angliae sui temporis libb. v. (The best edition by Th. Hearne. Oxon. 1719, 3 voll. 8), and Rogeri de Hoveden (1202) annal. Anglican. (in Savilii historic. Angl. Lond. 1595 fol.), from which Matthew Paris historia major, p. 82, ss., has drawn.-Works: Natalis Alex. hist. eccl. saec. xi. et xii. dissert. x., Planck iv. 1. 396. Schlosser iii. 1, 401. Histoire du démêlé de Henri II., roi d'Angleterre, avec Th. Becket. à Amsterdam. 1756. 8. Histoire de la conquête de l'Angleterre par les Normands, par Aug. Thierry. Paris 1825, ii. 376 (against Thierry's opinion that Thomas struggled for the interest of the Saxons against the Norman oppressors, see Wilmans in Schmidt's Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft i. 182.) Reuter's Gesch. Alexander III. i. 288. 24 Gulielmus Neubrig. de rebus Angliae lib. ii. c. 16: Regi circa curam regni satagenti, et malefactores sine delectu exterminari jubenti, a judicibus intimatum est, quod multa contra disciplinam publicam, scil. furta, rapinae, homicidia a clericis saepius committerentur, ad quos scilicet laicae non possit jurisdictionis vigor extendi. Denique ipso |