But the head quarters of the Cathari were those countries in which at that time, along with civic freedom, civilization, and education, discontent at the wanton and avaricious clergy had grown up in a remarkable manner: Such were Southern France and Northern Italy. In Southern France,14 where Toulouse was their central point,15 the interest awakened by Peter of Bruis and Henry workt for their advantage. The Synodal decrees issued against them16 remained without effect, for almost 13 Willelmus Neubrigensis (about 1197) de reb. Angl lib. ii. c. 13 : Iisdem diebus erronei quidam venerunt in Angliam ex eorum, ut creditur, genere, quos vulgo Publicanos vocant. Hic nimirum ex Gasconia incerto auctore habentes originem, regionibus plurimis virus suae perfidiae infuderunt. Quippe in latissimis Galliae, Hispaniae, Italiae, Germaniaeque provinciis tam multi hac peste infecti esse dicuntur, ut secundum Prophetam multiplicati esse super numerum arenae videantur. -But when they came to England, pesti, quae jam irrepserat, ita est obviatum, ut de caetero hanc insulam ingredi vererentur. There were more than thirty men and women, duce quodam Gerardo, all of them nationis et linguae Teutonicae. A Council at Oxford had them branded and banisht from the kingdom. J. C. Fuesslini diss. de fanaticis saec. xii. in Anglia repertis, Bernae 1761. 8. 14 Dr. C. Schmidt die Katharer in Südfrankreich in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrh., in den Strassburger Beiträgen zu d. theol. Wissenchaften. Heft. i. (Jena 1847) S. 85. On the political state of southern France about this time see Schlosser's Weltgesch III. i. 557. 15 Schmidt. S. 98. 16 Conc. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3: Porro eos, qui religionis speciem simulantes, dominici corporis et sanguinis sacramentum, puerorum baptisma, sacerdotium, et caeteros ecclesiasticos Ordines, et legitimarum damnant foedera nuptiarum, tanquam haereticos ab Ecclesia Dei pellimus et damnamus et per potestates exteras coerceri praecipimus. Defensores quoque ipsorum ejusdem damnationis vinculo donec resipuerint mancipamus. The same was repeated Conc. Lateran. ii. gen. ann. 1139 c. 23. Conc. Remense ann. 1148 c. 18 :—praecipimus, ut nullus omnino hominum haeresiarchas et eorum sequaces, qui in partibus Guasconiae, aut Provinciae, vel alibi commorantur, manuteneat vel defendat, nec aliquis eis in terra sua receptaculum praebeat. Whosoever disobeyed anathemate feriatur, et in terris eorum, donec condigne satifaciant, divina celebrari officia interdicimus. Conc. Turonense ann. 1163 c. 4: In partibus Tolosae damnanda haeresis dudum emersit, quae paulatim more cancri ad vicina loca se diffundens, per Guasconiam et alias provincias quamplurimos jam infecit. Hence the requisition to the Bishops and priests of those countries to be watchful, et sub interminatione anathematis prohibere, ut ubi cogniti fuerint illius haeresis sectatores, ne receptaculum quisquam eis in terra sua proebere, aut praesidium impertire praesumat. Sed nec in venditione aut emptione aliqua cum all the Barons of this country protected them,17 and so their 18 eis omnino commercium habeatur.-Illi vero si deprehensi fuerint, per 17 Schmidt in the Strassburger Beiträgen i. 93. But William VIII., 18 On this point and on the following, see the Histoire générale de Bishops of the district vainly endeavoured in the council at vobis: septem Eccl. Asiae fuerunt divisae et terminatae inter illas, et nulla illarum faciebat ad aliam aliquam rem ad suam contradictionem. Et Eccl. Romanae (probably Romulae in Dalmatia, now Carlstadt in Croatia), et Drogometiae (Tragurium see below), et Melenguiae (Melenicum, now Melenik in Macedonia), et Bulgariae, et Dalmatiae sunt divisae et terminatae, et una ad alteram non facit aliquam rem ad suam contradictionem, et ita pacem habent inter se. Similiter vos facite. Now were divisores elected, and by them the boundaries of the Eccl. Tolosanae and Eccl. Carcassensis determined. Probably the Papa Niquinta is the same person with the Papa Niceta mentioned by an Antiquus auctor in Nic. Vignier recueil de l'histoire de l'église (Lyons 1601. fol) ad ann. 1023, and in Sandii nucleus hist. eccl. p. 404, in whose writings also the Bishop Marcus again makes his appearance: Primis temporibus, quibus haeresis Catharorun in Lombardia multiplicari coepit, primum habuerunt Episcopum quendam Marcum nomine, sub cujus regimine omnes Lombardi et Tusci et Marchiani regebantur. Iste Marcus ordinem suum habebat de Bulgaria. Veniens autem quidam Papa Nicetas nomine a Constantinopoli in Lombardiam, coepit accusare ordinem Bulgariae, quem Marcus habebat. Unde Marcus Episcopus haesitare incipiens relicto ordine Bulgariae suscepit ab illo Papa Niceta ordinem Druguriae cum suis complicibus, et tenuit per multos annos. Thus here are significant traces of internal divisions among the Cathari. Druguria may well be Tragurium, now Trau or Tragur, situated upon an island off the coast of Dalmatia: in Rainerii Summa: Eccl. Dugunthiae (al. Dugunithiae, al. Dugranicae. In the same manner the Uroger are called also Wurugunder, the Onoguren also Onogunduren, see Thunmann's Untersuchungen über die Gesch. d. östl. Europ. Völker s. 32.) Drugunitia then seems to have been disfigured by transcribers in Drogometia. On the Popes of the Cathari see below § 90. note 26. 19 Rogerus de Hoveden annall. rer. Anglic. ad ann. 1176 (in Savilii scriptt. rer. Angl. Francof. 1601. p. 555) gives an abridgement of the acts of this council: for this reason it is referred by mistake in the Acts of Councils to the year 1176, and Schröckh even makes two councils out of this single one, one in 1165 (xxix. 510), and another in 1176 (s. 508.) The entire acts publisht in Mansi xxii. 157 begin thus : Anno ab Incarn. Domini MCLXV. talis diffinitiva sententia lata est super altercatione et assertione atque impugnatione fidei catholicae, quam expugnare nitebantur quidam, qui faciebant se appellari Boni homines, quos manutenebant homines de Lumbers. Et haec sententia lata est per manum Giraldi Albiensis Episcopi, electis ac statutis judicibus ab utraque parte, et cognoscentibus atque adsidentibus praefato Episcopo, then other Bishops and Ecclesiastics, and some Barons are mentioned, in praesentia fere totius populi Albiensis et de Lumbers, aliorumque populorum castrorum. To the first question about their Canon of Scripture, they answered unabasht that they rejected the Old Testa ho 120 144 20 Ciste here which Hist. d ad ann. of Henric here pain ibi haereti populus sic pastoris. Catholicus, centes, si es mutire. In sacerdotes et corrupta et ca etc.—In ipso ut nos quoque narent verbo, di haereticos conci powerful protecti appear to submit. II., Viscount of B todia haereticorum suam eliminatis haer Roger was a good C Rogerus in ultimos Henry says: judicavi et de violata Episco excommunicatione da in praesentia conjugis diffidantes (défiants.) apparet, quam grande ut Christi ulciscantur contra illos posse caus were here usually called, to the Church: Little more effect was produced by the Cardinal-Legate Peter of St Chrysogonus in Toulouse (1178),20 and the severe decree of Alexander III. ment, and received only the New. To the question de fide sua, they answered, quod non dicerent, nisi cogerentur: to the third de baptismate parvulorum; quod nihil dicerent, sed de Evangelio et Epistolis responderent. Thus they wisht to have no examination, but a disputation, first upon the first head. Hence their declaration which followed: nihil aliud responderent; quia non debebant cogi respondere de fide sua. The Assembly certainly pronounced condemnations enough upon them, but how little effect they had is plain from Gervasii Cantuariensis (about 1200) chron. ad ann. 1177 (scriptores X Anglici. Lond. 1652. fol. p. 1441 ss.) 20 Raymund V. Count of Toulouse, betook himself in 1177 to the Cistercian chapter (the epistle is in Gervasius Cantuar. 1. c.) to obtain here assistance against his heretics. On the mission of Cardinal Peter which was brought about by the Kings of France and England, see Hist. de Languedoc iii. 48. The principal source is Roger de Hoveden ad ann. 1178. p. 573, and particularly the epistle there quoted p. 577 of Henricus Abb. Claraevall, who accompanied the Cardinal. Henry here paints a terrible picture of the ascendancy of heretics in Toulouse; ibi haeretici principabantur in populo, dominabantur in clero, eo ut populus sic sacerdos, et in interitum gregis ipsa configurabatur vita pastoris. Loquebantur haeretici, et omnes admirabantur; loquebatur Catholicus, et dicebant: quis est hic in stuporem et miraculum deducentes, si esset aliquis inter eos, qui de verbo fidei auderet aliquid vel mutire. In tantum praevaluerat pestis in terra, quod illi sibi non solum sacerdotes et pontifices fecerant, sed etiam Evangelistas habebant, qui corrupta et cancellata evangelica veritate nova illis Evangelia cuderent etc.-In ipso quoque introitu nostro tanta erat haereticis ubique licentia, ut nos quoque per vicos et plateas recto itinere procedentes subsannarent verbo, digito demonstrarent, nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos conclamantes. However they were intimidated by the powerful protection held out to the embassage, and were forced to appear to submit. On the other hand Henry, who was sent to Roger II., Viscount of Beziers, ut et Albiensem Episcopum, quem sub custodia haereticorum in vinculis tenebat, absolveret, et universam terram suam eliminatis haereticis emendaret, had no success with him (although Roger was a good Catholic, see hist. de Languedoc. iii. 49.) Praedictus Rogerus in ultimos et inaccessibiles terrae suae fines abscessit, and Henry says: judicavimus praedictum Rogerum proditorem, haereticum, et de violata Episcopi securitate perjurum, eum tamquam publica excommunicatione damnatum, ex parte Papae et praedictorum Regum, in praesentia conjugis, militumque suorum in nomine Christi confidenter diffidantes (défiants.) The epistle ends thus: Ecce a modo statis apparet, quam grande et evidens ostium patet Principibus christianis, ut Christi ulciscantur injurias.-Ne autem vel parum vel nihil fieri contra illos posse causentur, sciant omnes, generalem fuisse in urbe in the third Lateran Council (1179).21 Against Roger II., Viscount of Beziers, Carcassone, Albi and Rasez, who protected the Cathari, the Cardinal Legate, Henry, Abbot of Clairveaux, already headed a crusading army (in 1181),22 but he could produce no lasting effect.23 In the beginning of the 13th century the greater part of the daughters of the nobility were brought up in the educational establishments of the Perfectae, who lived together in monastic style.24 The records of the controversy of this time, Tolosana sententiam, quod si illa visitatio fuisset adhuc triennio retardata, vix inveniretur in ea, qui nomen Christi amplius invocaret. Super haec autem omnia praedictus Comes s. Aegidii coram populo civitatis praestito juramento firmavit, quod a modo nec prece nec pretio favebit haereticis. However Robertus de Monte chron. ad ann. 1178 (in Pertz viii. 526): Haeretici, quos Agenenses (see above note 8) vocant, et alii multi convenerunt circa Tolosam,ad quorum confutationem Petrus, Legatus Rom., etc. convenerunt, et parum profecerunt. 21 Conc. Lateran. iii. gen. c. 27: Quia in Gasconia, Albegesio, et partibus Tolosanis, et aliis locis ita haereticorum, quos alii Catharos, alii Patarenos, alii Publicanos, alii aliis nominibus vocant, invaluit damnata perversitas, ut jam non in occulto, sicut aliqui, nequitiam suam exerceant, sed suum errorem publice manifestent, et ad suum consensum simplices attrahant et infirmos: eos, et defensores eorum, et receptores anathemati decernimus subjacere: et sub anathemate prohibemus, ne quis eos in domibus, vel in terra sua tenere, vel fovere, vel negotiationem cum eis exercere praesumat.—Cunctis fidelibus in remissionem peccatorum injungimus, ut tantis cladibus se viriliter opponant, et contra eos armis populum christianum tueantur. Confiscenturque eorum bona, et liberum sit Principibus hujusmodi homines subjacere servituti. Qui autem in vera poenitentia ibi decesserint, et peccatorum indulgentiam, et fructum mercedis aeternae se non dubitent percepturos. Nos etiam-fidelibus Christianis, qui contra eos arma susceperint, biennium de poenitentia injuncta relaxamus: aut si longiorem ibi moram habuerint, Episcoporum discretioni, quibus hujus rei cura fuerit injuncta, committimus, ut ad eorum arbitrium, secundum modum laboris, major eis indulgentia tribuatur. Illos autem, qui admonitioni Episcoporum in hujuscemodi parte parere contempserint, a perceptione corporis et sanguinis Domini jubemus fieri alienos etc. This decree was repeated by the Archbishop of Narbonne in 1179, with a requisition to his suffragans, to pronounce the Ban every Sunday against the heretics and their protectors (see Hist. de Langued. T. iii. Preuves p. 148), to wit against R. comitem nobilem virum, et R. vicecomitem Biterrensem, et B. vicecomitem Nemausensem, et Lupatum, et R. de Terrazona. 22 Hist. de Langued. iii. 57. 23 No further effect was produced by the promise, which Bertrand de Saissac as guardian of the young Viscount Raymund Roger, made to the Bishop of Beziers in Aug. 1194 after the death of Roger in |