them, not even under Lewis IX. This King rather asserted the right in this country to reduce the spiritual power of punishment to its proper limits, where it allowed itself in injustice."

8 Compare especially what his constant companion Joinville relates in his hist. de saint Louis (Collection des mémoires relatifs à l'hist. de France depuis Phil. Auguste, par Petitot. t. ii. Paris 1819. p. 185.) At one time the French Prelates came together before the King, and Guy, Bishop of Auxerre, thus addrest him in their name: Sire, sachez que tous ces prelatz, qui cy sont en vostre presance, me font dire, que vous lessez perdre tout la chrestienté, et qu'elle se pert entre vos mains. Adonc le bon Roy se signe de la croiz, et dit : Evesque, or me dittes, commant il se fait, et par quelle raison. Sire, fist l'evesque, c'est pour ce qu'on ne tient plus compte des excommuniés. Car aujourd'hui un homme aymeroit mieulx mourir tout excommunié, que de se faire absoultre, et ne veult nully faire satisfaction à l'Eglise. Pourtant, Sire, ilz vous requirent tous à une voiz pour Dieu, et pour ce que ainsi le devez faire, qu'il vous plaise commander à tous vos baillifz, prevostz, et autres administrateurs de justice: que où il sera trouvé aucun en vostre royaume, qui aura esté an et jour continuellement excommunié, qu'ilz le contraignent à se faire absouldre par la prinse de ses biens. Et le saint homme respondit, que tresvolontiers le commanderoit faire de ceulx, qu'on trouveroit estre torçonniers (injurious) à l'Eglise et à son presme (proximum). Et l'evesque dit, qu'il ne leur appartenoit à cognoistre de leurs causes. Et à ce respondit le Roy, qu'il ne le feroit autrement. Et disoit, que ce seroit contre Dieu et raison, qu'il fist contraindre à soy faire absouldre ceulx, à quis les cleres feroient tort, et qu'ilz ne fussent oiz en leur bon droit. Et de ce leur donna exemple du conte de Bretaigne, qui par sept ans a plaidoié contre les prelatz de Bretaigne tout excommunié, et finablement a si bien conduite et menée sa cause, que nostre saint Pere le Pape les a condampnez envers icelui conte de Bretaigne. Parquoy disoit, que si dès la première année il eust voulu contraindre icelui conte de Bretaigne à soy faire absouldre, il lui eust convenu laisser à iceulx prelatz contre raison ce qu'ilz lui demandoient outre son vouloir : et que en ce faisant il eust grandement meffait envers Dieu et envers ledit conte de Bretaigne. Après lesquelles choses ouyes pour tous iceuls prelatz. il leur suffisit de la bonne responce du Roy; et onques puis ne ouy parler, qu'il fust fait demande de telles

choses.

9 In the dijudication of Lewis IX. between the Archbishop and Burghers of Rheims, who had been excommunicated by him in (1235), we find (Preuves des libertés de l'église Gall. ch. xxxvi. no. 3): Absolventur autem dicti cives a dicto Archiepiscopo in forma Ecclesiae, et emendabunt injurias eidem Archiepiscopo illatas de quibus isti duo (two royal commissioners) videbunt emendandum esse.-Et si quae excommunicationes inventae fuerint injuste latae, pro illis prorsus nulla fiet emenda. Thus Philip the Bold summons the Bishop of Paris before the next Parliament, because two Barons have appealed ab audientia vestra ad nostram curiam super quodam judicio tanquam a

pravo et falso dato in vestra curia (ibid. no. 4.) Thus the Parliament of Paris in the year 1303 decides on the appeal of a certain count, against the Archbishop of Lyons, who had laid his land under an interdict (ibid. no. 8), quod temporalitas praedicti Archiepiscopi Lugdun. ad manum nostram ponetur, et tenebitur, quousque per ipsum fuerint dicta attemptata-totaliter revocata. Thus also the Appellationes ab abusu, Appellations comme d'abus, now already begin to appear, the further construction of these is due to Peter Cugnières, advocate general under Philip of Valois, J. P. Brewer's Gesch. d. franz. Gerichtsverfassung Th. 2 (Düsseldorf 1837), s. 40.

SEVENTH CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE HERETICAL SECTS.

§ 87.

IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY.

C. du Plessis d' Argentré collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus, qui ab initio duodecimi saeculi usque ad annum 1632 in Ecclesia proscripti sunt et notati. Lutet. Paris. (Tomi iii. 1728. fol.) T. I. J. C. Fuesslin's Kirchenund Ketserhistorie der mittlern Zeit (3 Theile, Frankf. u. Leipz. 1770– 74) i. 56. H. Schmid der Mysticismus des Mittelalters in seiner Entstehungsperiode. Jena 1824. s. 433 ff. Dr Chr. v. Hahn's Gesch. d. Ketser im Mittelalter, bef. im 11. 12. u. 13. Jahrh. (2 Bde. Stuttgart 1845 u. 47) Bd. 1. Gesch. d. neumanichäischen Ketser.

Whilst the Hierarchy, unmindful of its spiritual calling, was entangling itself in ceaseless warfare, in order to bring all secular power under its sway: Whilst the system of ecclesiastical doctrines, with its progressive development, was enclosing the reason with bonds ever narrowing: Whilst the means of salvation held out by the Church, were at the same time ever more and more losing their spiritual character, and their moral power, by the one-sided speculations of the Schoolmen, and also sinking to a lifeless mechanism in their administration by a coarse Priesthood which had lost all respect for morality: Lastly, whilst this tortuous Church-system, despairing of any spiritual influence, was endeavouring to win consideration for itself by continual acts of external aggression; it could not but be, that the rebellions against the Church, which in earlier times came forward but one by one, should now be growing more numerous and more powerful. The earlier divisions in the Church employed themselves for the most part, only in speculations of the understanding: and even for this very reason the Church always succeeded, so

soon as she could adopt strong measures, in bringing back the recusants; for the interest taken in a moral conception of nearly equivalent meaning seldom remained for many generations unconquered by persecution. But there lay at the root of the opposition to the Church which now began to feel its way forward, a living moral-interest, which felt itself injured by the whole condition of the Church; and even for this very reason this opposition was rather strengthened than weakened by the bloodshed resorted to as a means to destroy it; it stood always unconquered, although the opposing parties differed widely from each other in the peculiarities of their systems, and modified them in many ways.

At the same time that two frantic enthusiasts, Tanchelm' who wandered about from 1115 to 1124 in the Netherlands, and Eudo

1 With regard to him compare especially the epist. Trajectensis Ecclesiae ad Frid. Archiep. Coloniensem (in Seb. Tengnagel collect. vett. monumentorum contra Schismaticos. Ingolst. 1612. p. 368; Act. SS. Junii i. 845; d'Argentré collect. judicior. i. 11): In maritimis primum locis rudi populo et infirmioris fidei venenuim perfidiae suae miscuit, et per matronas et mulierculas-errores suos paulatim spargere coepit deinde per has conjuges etiam ipsos perfidiae suae laqueis irretivit. Nec jam in tenebris vel cubiculis, sed super tecta praedicare incipiens, in patentibus campis late circumfusae multitudini sermocinabatur: et veluti Rex concicnaturus ad populum, stipatus satellitibus, vexillum et gladium praeferentibus, velut cum insignibus regalibus, sermonem facturus, procedere solebat.--Declamabat, Ecclesias Dei lupanaria esse reputanda; nihil esse quod sacerdotum officio in mensa dominica conficeretur; pollutiones, non sacramenta nominanda; ex meritis et sanctitate ministrorum virtutem sacramentis accedere:dehortabatur populum a perceptione sacramenti corporis et sanguinis Domini, prohibens etiam decimas ministris Ecclesiae exhiberi.-Talibus nequitiae successibus misero homini tanta sceleris accessit audacia, ut etiam se Deum diceret, asserens, quia si Christus ideo Deus est, quia Spiritum sanctum habuisset, se non inferius nec dissimilius Deum, quia plenitudinem Spiritus sareti accepisset. In qua praesumptione adeo illusit, ut quidam in eo divinitatem venerarentur, in tantum, ut balnei sui aquam potandam stultissimo populo pro benedictione divideret, velut sacratius et efficacius sacramentum profuturum saluti corporis et animae. Accordingly he even celebrated his espousals with the Holy Virgin. Hoc ad summam dixisse sufficiat, res divinas in tantum venisse contemptum, ut reputetur sanctior, cuicumque fuerit Ecclesia despectior. He stirred up still greater disturbances in Antwerp, which continued even after his death; so that they were obliged to call in St Norbert to their assistance, cf. Vita Norberti § 36. in Acta SS. Jun. i. 843. From the same source draws Sigeberti contin. Praemonstratensis in Pertz

de Stella or Eon, who roved till 1148 in Brittany, perplext the

2

viii. 449 (not Robertus de Monte.) U. P. Okken diss. de priva religionis christ. medio aevo inter Nederlandos progressae natura, Groningae 1846. p. 43. Hahn's Gesch. d. Ketser im Mittelalter i.

459.

2 On him writes particularly Willelmus Neubrigensis (about 1197) de rebus Anglicis lib. i. c. 19 (d'Argentré i. 36): Eudo is dicebatur, natione Brito, agnomen habens de Stella, homo illiteratus et idiota, ludificatione daemonum ita dementatus, ut, cum sermone Gallico Eon diceretur (in a Contin. Sigeberti in Pertz viii. 389 he is called Eunus, his followers Eunitae), ad suam personam pertinere crederet, quod in ecclesiasticis exorcismis dicitur, scilicet "per eum, qui venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos et saeculum per ignem." Ita plane fatuus, ut Eon et eum nesciret distinguere, sed supra modum stupenda caecitate crederet, se esse dominatorem et judicem vivorum et mortuorum. Eratque per diabolicas praestigias tam potens ad capiendas simplicium animas, ut-seductam sibi multitudinem aggregaret, quae tota illum tanquam dominum dominorum individue sequeretur. Et interdum quidem mira velocitate per diversas provincias ferebatur: interdum vero morabatur cum suis omnibus in locis desertis et inviis, moxque, instigante diabolo, erumpebat improvisus, Ecclesiarum maxime, ac monasteriorum infestator. By help of this the common saying about this multitude may be explained; pretiose induti, splendide epulati, et in summa laetitia agere videbantur: but all this was but a fantastic appearance got up by devils, a quibus scilicet misera illa multitudo non veris et solidis, sed aëriis potius cibis in locis desertis alebatur.-Sane cum pestifer ille ita debaccharetur,-saepius a Principibus ad vestigandum et persequendum eum exercitus frustra mittebatur: quaesitus enim non inveniebatur. Tandem vero fraudatus ope daemonum, cum non amplius per illum debacchari sinerentur (non enim nisi a superioribus justo Dei judicio relaxantur), levi negotio a Remensi Archiepiscopo comprehensus est. It seems that the work of Hugo Archbishop of Rouen, composed in the year 1145, dogmatum christiane fidei contra haereticos sui temporis libb iii. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxii. 1340) was aimed at him; he was, as he says in the introduction, actively engaged with the Papal Legate, Albericus Episc. Ostiensis, at Nantes in combating the heresy, quae in Armorica tunc scatebat, and composed this work by his persuasion. The heretics whom he opposed taught (lib. i. c 11): Sacramenta solummodo prosunt scientibus, non ignorantibus, adultis prosunt, parvulis nihil conferunt. Condemnant isti baptisma parvulorum et infantium,-et dicunt: in Evangelio legitur: qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit ;-sed parvuli non credunt,-igitur baptismata parvulis non prosunt.-(c. 13). Si ex fide justificatio, et salus ex baptismo, quid credentibus et baptizatis, justificatis et salvatis confirmatio manu facta Pontificis superapponit?—(lib. iii. c. 2) De corona clericali, de hac forma regali, de hoc signo Jesu Christi haeretici quaestionem faciunt, maxime illi, qui a Clero deciderunt, et ad haeresim transierunt. Unde, inquiunt, unde corona haec accepit initium? Quid nobis corona haec? (c. 4) Haeretici-tenent secum mulierculas undecunque conductas,