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prayer and masses for living and dead members. When the tertiary orders and fraternities of the Mendicant Friars drew the laity in masses to themselves, by the promise of greater spiritual advantages, the Kalands were more zealously extended by the secular clergy,* in order to preserve adherents from among the laity to themselves, in opposition to those adherents of the Men

a Consistory, but in the language of the people continued to be called Kaland. (See Schröder's Gesch. d. Münsterdorfischen Consistoriums, in Michelsen's u. Asmussen's Archiv f. Staats- u. Kirchengesch. d. Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein, Lauenburg ii. 23.) Thus the Landgrave Philip the Munificent, in the year 1565 restored the Kalandguild in Friedberg as a Synodal-union of Wetteravia (Kuchenbecker's analecta Hassiaca, collectio v. 123), while at the same time he desig. nated it in his decree as a rural chapter, Convent, Synod, or Kaland. As these Kaland-guilds grew more common they certainly were not always united to the Rural-chapters, and very many Kalands formed themselves in the towns, in these cases accordingly they had no hierarchical claims. The meetings on the Kalands of every month, seem to have been already given up in the antient, purely spiritual association : the Kaland-guilds commonly met but twice in the year. Hence we may conclude that the name Kaland was in use in earlier times for those Decanal-unions, and has only devolved by inheritance on the Kaland-guilds.

3 Johannes de Indagine, a Carthusian in Erfurt and Eisenach, about the year 1450, de societate Kalendarum (MS. in the Paulinerbibliothek at Leipzig, quoted in Jo. Felleri diss. de fratr. Kalend. p. 28 and 29): Kalendae sunt societates religiosae, e calo i. e. convoco, quod conveniant se mutuo homines ad communicandum bona sua mutuo, et ad subveniendum animabus defunctorum.--Habent (fratres Kalendarum) amicalem quandam societatem, in qua communiter vivunt, et certis temporibus conveniunt communicando bona spiritualia, et se mutuo in caritate corrigendo sine coercitione potestativa, et sine novo habitu, et hinc licita sunt sine auctoritate Papae, quanquam expediat, ut societas Fratrum de Kalendis auctoritate Episcopi alicujus confirmetur.—Est tamen haec fraternitas spiritualis boni, et ratione spiritualium suffragiorum, quamvis conveniant certis diebus ad convivia, vel collationes et potationes, quia spiritualia esse omnino non possunt sine temporalibus.

4 In the 13th century there were but few Kalands in existence. The oldest known is that at Ottburg near Höxter, from which Chr. Fr. Paullini in the chron. Ottbergense p. 174) in his Syntagma rer. Germ. Francof. ad M. 1698. 4) quotes a document dated so far back as 1226. The most antient Kaland in the city of Brunswick was founded in 1265, the Brothers called themselves fratres de collegio sacerdotalis fra. ternitatis s. Spiritus (Rehtmeyer's Kirchenhistorie d. Stadt Braunschweig i. 150.) The Kaland in Colberg was founded in 1267 (Fortg. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen 1735 S. 251.) Even in

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dicants. However the new Kalands, as well as the old, soon fell into evil repute, for their riotous revels.

Mecklenburg Kalands were to be found so early as the 13th cent. (J. Wiggers Kirchengesch. Mecklenburgs, Parchim und Ludwigslust 1840, S. 79.) But the greatest number of Kaland-guilds originated in the 14th and 15th centuries. They spread themselves also into Denmark (Wilda S. 353), Hungary and France (Feller de fratr. Kal. p. 21.)

5 Thence the proverb, ein grosser Kaland d. i. ein grosser Schmaus (Rehtmeyer i. 152), Kalenderen, bunte Kalender machen d. i. join in banquets (Paullini chron. Ottberg. p. 176.)

SIXTH CHAPTER.

ALTERATIONS IN CHURCH-DISCIPLINE, AND THEIR NEW

DOCTRINAL FOUNDATIONS.

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Jo. Morini commentarius hist. de disciplina in administratione sacramenti

poenitentiae. Paris. 1651. Antverp. 1682. fol. Jo. Dallaei disp. de sacramentali s. auriculari Latinorum confessione. Genev. 1661. 4.

Open sins cut men off from the Church, and made the mediation of the Priest necessary. On the other hand in the beginning of this period of time, confession of secret sin, was not yet required as an indispensable condition of forgiveness, but only recom

1 See above Part i. § 19, note 3. Lanfrancus de celanda confessione (Opp. ed. d'Achery p. 381) : de occultis omni ecclesiastico Ordini confiteri debemus, de apertis vero solis convenit sacerdotibus, per quos Ecclesia quae publice novit solvit et ligat.-Sin nec in Ordinibus ecclesiasticis cui confitearis invenis, vir mundus ubicunque sit requiratur. -Quodsi nemo cui confitearis invenitur, ne desperes, quia in hoc Patrum conveniunt sententiae, ut Domino confitearis. Abaelardi ethica c. 25 (Pezii anecdot. III. ii. 675), where it is shown : Quod nonnunquam confessio dimitti potest. We should especially compare on this head the two universal teachers of this age, Gratian and Peter Lombard. The former in Tractatus de poenitentia (P. ii. causa 33. qu. 3) dist. 1, at the very beginning starts the question : Utrum sola cordis contritione et secreta satisfactione absque oris confessione quisque possit Deo satisfacere ? with the remark : Sunt enim, qui dicunt, quemlibet criminis veniam sine confessione facta Ecclesiae et sacerdotali judicio posse promereri, juxta illud Ambrosii super Lucam ad cap. 22 etc. He gives the authorities for this opinion can, 1–37, and supports it himself; e. g. ad can. 34: Hinc etiam, ut Dominus ostenderet, quod non sacerdotali judicio, sed largitate divinae gratiae peccato emundatur, leprosum tangendo mundavit, et postea sacerdoti sacrificium ex lege offerre praecepit. Leprosus enim tangitur, cum respectu divinae pietatis mens peccatoris illustrata compungitur. --Leprosus seinetipsum

mended as conducive to amendment. Neither was a power of absolution” attributed to the Priest : and accordingly it was

sacerdoti repraesentat, dum peccatum suum sacerdoti poenitens confitetur. Sacrificium ex lege offert, dum satisfactionem Ecclesiae judicio sibi impositam factis exsequitur. Sed antequam ad sacerdotem perveniat, emundatur, dum per contritionem cordis ante confessionem oris peccati venia indulgetur. He thus closes this first division ad can. 37 : Fit itaque confessio ad ostensionem poenitentiae, non ad impetrationem veniae. Then he introduces can. 38–89 the arguments of those, who asserted, sine confessione oris et satisfactione operis neminein a peccato posse mundari, si tempus satisfaciendi habuerit: but he shows ad can. 87, that there was no plain proof from the authorities alleged, latentia peccata sacerdoti necessario confitenda, et ejus arbitrio expianda. However he says at the end ad can. 89: Cui harum sententiarum) potius adhaerendum sit, lectoris judicio reservatur. Utraque enim fautores habet sapientes et religiosos viros. Peter Lombard treats of these same questions Sent. lib. iv. dist. 17 : Primo quaeritur, utrum absque satisfactione et oris confessione per solam cordis contritionem peccatum alicui dimittatur : secundum, an aliquando sufficiat confiteri Deo sine sacerdote : tertio, an laico fideli facta valeat confessio. In his enim etiam docti diversa sentire inveniuntur, quia super his varia ac paene adversa tradidisse videntur Doctores. On the second question be unfolds the reasons on both sides, but he gives as his own decision, oportere Deo primum, et deinde sacerdoti offerri confessionem, nec aliter posse perveniri ad ingressum paradisi, si adsit facultas.

2 This is proved by the fact that down to the 13th century the Priests made use of the forma absolvendi deprecatoria alone. Similar Orationes ad dandam poenitentiam may be found in the old Roman poenitentiaries in Canisii lectt. ant. ed. Basnage. II. ii. 122, and Eus. Amort de origine indulgentiarum, Aug. Vind. 1735. p. 17, e.g. the person making confession says: Obnixe etiam te, Sacerdos Dei, exposco, ut intercedas pro me et pro peccatis meis ad Dominum Deum nostrum, quatenus de bis et aliis omnibus sceleribus meis veniam et indulgentiam per merita et intercessiones omnium Sanctorum assequi merear. Tunc dicat sacerdos : Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, et dimittat tibi omnia peccata tua, liberet te ab omni malo, conservet te in omni bono, et perducat nos pariter Jesus Christus filius Dei in vitam aeternam. Ab omni malo custodiat nos omnipotens Dominus. cf. Morinus 1. c. lib. viji. c. 8-13. Peter Lombard denotes the transition to the later opinion, Sent. lib. iv. dist. 18: Hoc sane dicere ac sentire possumus, quod solus Deus dimittit peccata et retinet : et tamen Ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi et solvendi. Sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat, aliter Ecclesia. Ipse enim per se tantum dimittit peccatum, quia et animam mundat ab interiori macula, et a debito aeternae mortis solvit. Non autem hoc sacerdotibus concessit, quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et ligandi, i.e. ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos. Unde Dominus leprosuin sanitati prius per se restituit, deinde ad sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio ostenderetur mundatus.--Quia etsi aliquis apud

believed that laymen also might hear confessions. In the 12th century, after that confession was reckoned among the sacraments, (see above $ 77, note 19, ss.), the contrary views began to gain ground, first as opinions, and afterwards got the ascendency in the church, by virtue of the decree of Innocent III., which imposed by law an annual confession to the parish priest.”

Deum sit solutus, non tamen in facie Ecclesiae solutus habetur, nisi per judicium sacerdotis. In solvendis ergo culpis vel retinendis ita operatur sacerdos evangelicus et judicat, sicut olim legalis in illis, qui contaminati erant lepra, quae peccatum signat. Unde Hieronymus super Matth. xvi. 19: Hunc, inquit locum quidam non intelligentes etc. (See vol. i. Div. 2. § 104, note 29.) Compare Stephanus Obazinensis below $ 84, note 6.

3 Petrus Lomb. Sent. lib. iv. dist. 17 de tertio articulo (see above note 1 at the end) decides with reference to the pretended work of Augustine de vera et falsa poenitentia : Sacerdotis examen requirendum est studiose, quia sacerdotibus concessit Deus potestatem ligandi atque solvendi, et ideo quibus ipsi dimittunt, et Deus dimittit. Si tamen defuerit sacerdos, proximo vel socio est facienda confessio. Albertus M. in Sent. lib. iv. dist. 17, art. 58 and 59, absolutely declares this confession to be sacramental. Hedistinguishes in art.58 five kinds of potestas absolvendi. The fourth is ex officio ministrorum, concessa sacerdotibus. Et ultima ex unitate fidei et caritatis, et haec pro necessitatis articulo descendit in omnem hominem ad proximo subveniendum : et hanc potestatem habet laicus in articulo necessitatis..

4 They were principally supported by the work de vera et falsa poenitentia fathered upon Augustine in the 11th or 12th century (in Append. tomi. vi. of the Benedictine edition), which has passed almost entire both into the decretal of Gratian, and the sentences of Lombard, and so has been frequently quoted by all the schoolmen. Compare here the exhortations to confess often and confess all sins, then § 25 ; quibus sacerdotes remittunt, remittit Deus; potestas solvendi concessa sacerdotibus : In cases of necessity a man might indeed confess to a layman, for Dei misericordia est ubique, qui et justis novit parcere, etsi non tam cito, sicut si solverentur a sacerdote. Last comes the Theory: fit per confessionem veniale, quod criminale erat in operatione s. mortale. 34: prius purgandus est igne purgationis, qui in aliud saeculum distulit fructuin conversionis.—Quaedam enim peccata sunt, quae sunt mortalia, et in poenitentia fiunt venialia, non tamen statim sanata etc.

• Conc. Later, iv. ann. 1215 can. 21: Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltem semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, et injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens reverenter ad minus in Pascha eucharistiae sacramentum : nisi forte de consilio proprii sacerdotis ob aliquam rationabilem causam ad tempus ab ejus

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