Obrazy na stronie

During the siege of Ptolemais in the year 1190, there rose the Order of German knights (Equites Teutonici hospitalis s. Mariae Virginis Hierosolymitani),15 these however so early as the year

insure the supremacy of the Cistercians it was decreed: Si aliquis Militum, dum aibulat, invenerit aliquem Abbatem Ordinis Cistertiensis, relicto equo humiliter accedat, et petat benedictionem, et comitem se offerat itineris. Si pertransierit per loca, castra, seu civitates, ubi fuerint Milites hujus societatis, tempore pacis aut belli, Dux arcis offerat ei claves. Juxta dispositionem ejus gubernentur omnia tempore, quo ibi fuerit. Monachi Cistertienses tamquam fratres suscipiantur, et omnia caritatis officia exhibeantur eis. Alphonso I. King of Portugal, granted to these knights in 1166 the town of Evora (thence the name Milites Eborae): In 1181 they built the Castle of Avis, and received from it the name Milites de Avis, Ordo Avisius. cf. Hist. des Ordres milit. ii. 384. Schäfer's Gesch. v. Portugal i. 83.-4. In the year 1167 or 1171 Alphonso I., King of Portugal, seems to have founded the Order of the Wing of St Michael (Milites 8. Michaelis, s. Mil. de Ala) (cf. Henriquez p. 483. Hist. des Ordres milit. iii. 45): However this order vanisht again immediately, when it had attained an individual existence, Schäfer i. 93. Aschbach ii. 20.-Besides these orders of knighthood, which sprung up in connection with the Cistercians, there arose in 1161 in Gallicia the Militia s. Jacobi, at first intended for the protection of the pilgrims to Compostella (called in Jac. a Vitriaco hist. Occ. c. 26 Fratres de Spatha, now Cavalleria de Sant Jago de la Spada.) Alexander III. confirmed their Rule in 1175, (see the Privileges epist. 20 in Mansi xxi. 1049 renewed by Innocent III. lib. xiii. ep. 11.) Eo utique moderamine propositum suum et Ordinem temperantes, ut-habeantur in ipso Ordine, qui coelibem ducant vitam ; —sint etiam, qui juxta institutionem dominicain ad procreandam sobolem, et incontinentiae praecipitium evitandum, conjugibus suis utantur.-Ad suscipiendam prolem,-qui continere nequiverit, conjugium sortiatur, et servet inviolatam fidem uxori, et uxor viro, ne tori conjugalis continentia violetur.

15 cf. Petri de Dusburg (about 1326) chronicon Prussiae s. hist. Ord. Teuton. (1190—1326) ed. Christoph. Hartknoch. Jenae 1679. 4.Raym. Duellii hist. Ord. Equitum Teutonic. Vindob. 1727. fol.- Hist. de l'Ordre teutonique. Par un Chevalier de l'Ordre (Comthur Freih. v. Wal.) Paris et Rheims 1784 ss. viii. voll. Joh. Voigt's Gesch. Preussens bis zum Untergange der Herrschaft des deutschen Ordens. 9 Bde, Königsberg 1827—39.—Die Statuten des deutschen Ordens. Nach dem Originalexemplar (according to the revision of 1442) herausg. v. E. Hennig. Königsb. 1806. 8. Recherches sur l'ancienne constitution de l'ordre teutonique par l'auteur de l'histoire de l'ordre teutonique. 2 Tomes à Mergentheim 1807. Das Ordensbuch der Brüder vom deutschen Hause St. Marien zu Jerusalem, in der ältesten (bekannten) Abfassung herausgeg. v. 0. F. H. Schönhuth, Heilbronn 1847. The order received from Honorius III. dd. 15. Dec. 1220 the same privileges as the knights of St John and the Templars, see the Bull in Duellius selecta privil, no. 1.

1226 withdrew into Prussia, to conquer the heathen inhabitants of this country; and here in 1237 they united themselves with the Order of Brethren of the Sword (Fratres militiae Christi s. Gladiferi),16 founded by Albert, Bishop of Livonia, in 1202, against the infidel Livonians.

Of less importance was the order of Fratres de militia Jesu Christi, which was formed under the direction of the Dominicans (1220) for the war against the Albigenses in Southern France, and afterwards fixt itself especially in Northern Italy, since 1261 under the name of Ordo Militiae b. Mariae Virginis, though more often called La Milizia Gaudente (Frati Gaudenti, Fratres Gaudentes.) 17

16 Compare the two contemporaries Arnoldi Lubec, chron. vii. c. 9, and Henrici Letti (a Lettland) origines Livoniae sacrae et civiles ed. J. D. Gruber. Francof. et Lips. 1740. fol. p. 21.-H. A. G. de Pott comm. de Gladiferis s. de Fratribus militiae Christi in Livonia. Erlang. 1806. 8.

17 Istoria de' Cavalieri Gaudenti di Fr. Dom. Maria Federici. In Vinegia 1787. 2 voll. 4. Hüllmann's Städtewesen des Mittelalters iii. 127.

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Bossuet's Einl. in die Gesch. der Welt u. d. Religion, fortges. v. I. A. Cramer

Th. 5. Bd. 2. s. 328 ff. Th. 6 u. 7. Tiedemann's Geist der speculativen
Philosophie Th. 4 u. 5. 'Tenneman's Gesch. d. Philos. Bd. 8. H. Ritter's
Gesch. d. christl. Philosophie Th. 3 u. 4.

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Cousin's Introduction to the Ouvrages inédits d'Abélard, Paris 1836. 4.

(Cousin über die erste Periode d. Scholastiker, dem wesentl. Inhalte nach mitgetheilt v. Dr. Englehardt in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1846. i. 56.) J. A. Bornemann Anselmus et Abaelardus, s. initia scholasticismi. Havniae 1840.

Ever since the controversy between Lanfranc and Berengarius on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper (see above Part 1, $ 29), the relish for logical treatment of theology spread with surprising speed : and now the scholastic theologybegan to develop itself in strong contrast with the antient, in form also, confining as it did its method of teaching to tradition alone (theologia positiva), and henceforth for four whole centuries to employ the most

Papias Vocabulista (about 1053) in his Vocabularium explains the word Scholasticus by eruditus, literatus, sapiens. The dialectic theology was considered the pinnacle of all wisdom. On the nature of the Scholastic Divinity, see Hegel's Borles, über die Gesch. d. Philosophie, Werke xv. 132. Staudenmaier's Joh. Scotus Erigena s. 366. Kliefoth's Einleit. in die Dogmengesch, s. 181. Ritter's Gesch. d. christ). Philos. ïïi. 111.

distinguisht abilities. Aristotle and Augustine always remained the principal guides of the Schoolmen. But in the first of the three periods into which their history divides itself,? Aristotle was their teacher in logic only,Augustine was the source of their philosophy, as well as of their theology, and so it was essentially Platonic. The Problem on the Being of Universals, which presents itself in Porphyry's Introduction, was seized on by them with peculiar earnestness, and gave rise to the party-names of Realists and Nominalists. Lanfranc's distinguished disciple

2 Thus Lamb. Danaeus first divided them in his prolegg. in P. Lombardi sentent. c. 2. (in ejusd. opuscc. theolog. Genev. 1583. fol. p. 1104 ss.) according to the analogy of the threefold academy.

* Jourdain recherches crit. sur l'âge et l'origine des traductions latines d'Aristote. Paris 1819 (translated with additions and corrections by Dr A. Stahr, Halle 1831) nouv. édit. revue et augm. 1843. Cousin has however demonstrated, that even Abelard had only the Introduction of Porphyry, and the first two treatises of the Organon on the categories and propositions, in the translation of Boëthius, and that John of Salisbury was the first to becoine acquainted with the entire Organon, Cousin introduction p. li.

4 Abelard was acquainted with the Platonic philosophy from Macrobius a'so, other writers bad Plato's Timaeus, see Cousin ouvrages inédits d'Abélard p. 646.

5 Porphyrii introductio interpr. Boëthio init. (Boethi opp. ed. Basil. 1570. fol. p. 50): Cum sit necessarium, Chrysaori, et ad eam quae est apud Aristotelem praedicamentorum doctrinain, nosse quid sit genus, quid differentia, quid species, quid proprium, et quid accidens; et ad diffinitionum assignationem, et omnino ad ea quae in divisione et in demonstratione sunt, utili istarum rerum speculatione, compendiosam tibi traditionem faciens tentabo breviter, velut introductionis modo, ea quae ab antiquis dicta sunt aggredi, ab altioribus quidem quaestionibus abstinens, simpliciores vero mediocriter conjectans. Mox de generibus et speciebus illud quidem sive subsistant sive in solis nudis intellectibus posita sint, sive subsistentia corporalia sint an incorporalia, et utrum separata a sensibilibus, an in sensibilibus posita et circa haec consistentia, dicere recusabo. Altissimum enim negotium est hujusmodi, et majoris egens inquisitionis. (Porphyrius : Aŭtika Tepi yevâv te kai cidôv, MÈV είτε υφέστηκεν είτε και έν μόναις ψιλαίς επινοίαις κείται, είτε και υφεστηκότα σώματά έστιν ή ασώματα, και πότερον χωριστα ή εν τοις αισθητούς και περί ταύτα υφεστώτα, παραιτήσομαι λέγειν· βαθυτάτης ούσης της τοιαύτης πραγματείας, kai ühins ueičovos deouévns é etáoews.) Cousin. introd. p. lx. The question here only embraces the reality of genera and species, but even Boëthius in his commentary, and after him the Schoolmen, extend it also to the three other universals to differentia, proprium and accidens. Cousin p. lxvii.

6 Concerning Realisin and Nonninalism, see Cramer V. ii. 404

Anselm (1063 Prior and Scholastic, 1078 Abbot of Bec, 1093 Archbishop of Canterbury † 1109)," who may be regarded as the first of the Schoolmen, was a faithful follower of Augustine, a Realist like him, and although himself the founder of natural

Meiners de Nominaliuin ac Realium initiis atque progressu (in Comm. Soc. Gotting.class. hist. et phil. xii. 24.) Eberstein über die Beschaffenheit d. Logik u. Metaphysik d. reinen Peripatetiker Halle 1800. Anhang s. 91. Baumgarten-Crusius de vero Scholasticorum Realium et Nominalium discrimine, et sententia theologica (Jenaisches Pfingstprogramm 1821. 4.) Staudenmaier's Joh. Scotus Erigena i. 455. Baur's christl. Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit und Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtl. Entwicklung ü. 416. Engelhardt's Richard v. St Victor und Joh. Ruysbroek s. 309. Franck's Anselm von Canterbury s. 101. Fr. Exner über Nominalismus und Realismus, Prag 1842. 4 (printed from the transactions of the Bohemian Scientific Association.). Johannes Saresberiensis Policrat. vii. 12 calls the question about Universals veterem quaestionem, in qua laborans mundus jam senuit, in qua plus temporis consumptum est, quam in acquirendo et regendo orbis imperio consumserit Caesarea domus; plus effusum pecuniae, quam in omnibus divitiis suis possederit Croesus. Haec enim tamdiu multos tenuit, ut cum hoc unum tota vita quaererent, tandem ncc istud nec aliud invenirent.

? Among his writings besides that to be brought forward in note 10, the following are worthy of note : Cur Deus homo ? libb. ii. De conceptu virginali et originali peccato etc. (There are extracts in Schröckh xxviii. 376), Epistoll. libb. iii. Opp. ed. Gabr. Gerberon. Paris. 1675, new edition by the Benedictines ib. 1721. 2 voll. fol. — Vita Anselmi libb. ii. by his disciple Eadmer .or Edinerus in the opp. and act. ss. April. ii. 866, which may be generally consulted from p. 685 to the 21st Apr. Möhler's Anselm Erzb. v. Canterbury, in dess. Schriften u. Aufsätzen, herausgeg. v. Döllinger i. 32. Gu. R. Veder diss. de Anselmo Cant. Ludg. Bat. 1832. P. C. Rothe de vita at gestis Anselmi diss. Havn. 1840. J. A. Bornemann Anselmus et A baelardus, s. initia scholasticismi, Havn. 1840. G. F. Franck's Anselm v. Canterbury, Tübingen 1842. F. R. Hasse's Anselm v. Canterbury, Th. 1. Leben, Leipzig 1843 (his doctrina Anselmi Cant. de imagine divina in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1835. ii. 184.)

8 Thus he states himself of his Monologium lib. i. epist. 68 ad Lanfrancum : IIaec mea fuit intentio per totam illam qualemcunque disputationem, ut omnino nihil ibi assererem, nisi quod aut canonicis, aut b. Augustini dictis incunctanter posse defendi viderem : et nunc quotiescunque ea quae dixi retracto, nihil aliud me asseruisse percipere possum.

9 Augustin. de diversis (83) quaestionibus, qu. 46. § 2 : Ideas igitur latine possuinus vel formas vel species dicere, ut verbum e verbo transferre videamur. Si autem rationes eas vocemus, ab interpretandi quidem proprietate discedimus : rationes enim graece dóyou appellantur, non ideae : sed tamen quisquis hoc vocabulo uti voluerit, a re ipsa non

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