Gregory's degradation to be published afresh, by the Synods at Mayence and Brescia (June 1080): in Brescia at the same time Guibert, Archbishop of Ravenna, was elected to the Papacy under the name of Clement III.32 When Rudolph fell in battle at Merseburg soon after (Oct. 1080), Henry's adherents increased extraordinarily, and the Pope's condition became dangerous.

peccatorum vestramque benedictionem in hac vita et in futura, vestra fretus fiducia, largior.-Agite nunc, quaeso, Patres et Principes sanctissimi, ut omnis mundus intelligat et cognoscat, quia, si potestis in caelo ligare et solvere, potestis in terra imperia, regna, principatus, ducatus, marchias, comitatus et omnium hominum possessiones pro meritis tollere unicuique et concedere. Si enim spiritualia judicatis, quid de saecularibus vos posse credendum est: et si angelos dominantes omnibus superbis principibus judicabitis, quid de illorum servis facere potestis? Addiscant nunc Reges et omnes saeculi Principes, quanti vos estis, quid potestis, et timeant parvipendere jussionem Ecclesiae vestrae et in praedicto Henrico tam cito judicium vestrum exercete, ut omnes sciant, quia non fortuito, sed vestra potestate cadat. The story of the crown sent from Gregory to Rupolph with the inscription: Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rudolpho, first mentioned by Sigebert. Gembl. ann. 1077, as a report taken from Otto Frising. de gest. Frid. i. c. 7, and Guilelm. Appul. lib. iv. is probably a Fable. Voigt. s. 530. On the other hand he did blow up the flame of war anew by his letters to Rudolph, and his followers (Udalrici Babenb. codex no. 153) Cum veritas ipsa dicat, omnium, qui propter justitiam persecutionem patiuntur, regnum esse caelorum, et Apostolus clamet, neminem, nisi qui legitime certaverit, posse coronari, nolite, filii mei, in hoc, qui vos jam multo tempore exagitat, bellico furore deficere, nolite per ullius fallentis personae mendacia de nostro fideli adjutorio dubitare etc.

32 Hugon. Flavin. chron. Virdun. ap. Labb. p. 225, Ekkehardi chron. in Pertz viii. 203. Acts of the Council of Brescia in Udalrichi Bab. codex nr. 164.

:

33 To this contributed the legend found in Sigeb. Gembl. ad ann. 1080 Hildebrandus P. quasi divinitus revelatum sibi praedixit, hoc anno falsum Regem esse moriturum. (Gregory pledges himself ad Episc. Tridentinum in Udalrici Babenb. cod. nr. 152; festum b. Petri non prius transeundum, quam in cunctorum notitia certissime clareat, illum [Henricum] justissime esse excommunicatum. Bonizo in Oefele

ii. 819 records, that Gregory had declared on the second Easter-day after the excommunication of Henry: omnibus vobis notum sit, quod, si usque ad festivitatem s. Petri Henricus non resipuerit, mortuus erit aut depositus: quod si hoc non fuerit, mihi credi amplius non oportet, and that on this account it was often said afterwards that he had pronounced sentence of condemnation against himself. Bonizo on the other hand would have the saying thus fulfilled, morte spirituali Henricum mortuum et ante divinos oculos depositum esse.)

Then

Gregory, however, could not be thus shaken in his resolution. He had roused his enemies to great exasperation,34 his adherents to fanatical hatred against them):35 and so to yield would have been not only an abasement, but self annihilation. It was no

there is the story of Rupolph's dying words in Ekkehardus (Pertz viii. 204): Ecce haec est manus, qua domino meo Heinrico fidem sacramento firmavi, ecce ego jam ejus regnum et vitam derelinquo praesentem : videte, qui me solium ejus conscendere fecistis, ut recta via vestra monita sequentem duxissetis. Yet Bruno in Pertz vii. 381 paints Rudolph's last moments in very different colours.

34 Theoderici Episc. Virdun. epist. ad Gregorium vii. an. 1080. (s. not. 17) p. 215: Jam enim omni pudore evacuato-in aperta paternitatis vestrae vituperia feruntur, in vestram damnationem quanto acrius egerint, tanto acceptius se Christo obsequium praestare arbitrantur.— Et de vita quidem vestra et conversatione indigna sentientes, vos ipsum laxatis loquacitatis habenis execrantur, et vituperant ecclesiasticas sanctiones, et introducta per vos instituta irrident et conculcant: ad quae defendenda, si eos ad librorum attestationes et ss. Patrum auctoritates evocamus; hoc vero, hoc est, ajunt, quod volumus, hoc precamur et cupimus.

85 The Priest Manegold of Lutenbach, afterwards founder of the Monastery of Marbach in Alsatia (about him see Usserman ad Berthold. Const. in the monumentt. res Aleman. illustrantt. ii. 161), furnishes us with the extreme of this style, in his work published in answer to this epistle of Theoderic. (MS. in Carlsruhe, selections from it may be found in Schlözer's Briefwechsel histor. und polit. Inhalts viii. 364, and in the Beiträgen zur Gesch. und Literatur aus einigen Handschriften der Markgräfl. Bibliothek. Frankf. a. m. 1798. s. 153.) Cap. 38 and 39 show quod hi, qui excommunicatos non pro privata injuria, sed Ecclesiam defendendo interficiunt, non ut homicidae poeniteantur vel puniantur. (Thus also Urban II. below § 48, note 15.) Cap. 41: quod pro Henricianis non sit orandum. For they were guilty of sin against the Holy Spirit i.e., per malitiam et invidiam fraternam oppugnare caritatem post acceptam gratiam Spiritus s., quod peccatum Dominus neque hic neque in futuro saeculo dimitti dicit. (As to Manegold many even of the partizans of Gregory were of opinion that: Fuit homo importunus :optamus, ut liber ipsius cum ipso sit sepultus: On the other hand others held his writings to be quasi responsa caelestis oraculi. Gerhohi dial. de differentia Clerici saec. et regul. in Pezii thesaur. anecd. ii., ii. 491.) Compare the traits which Guenricus narrates (see note 17) p. 237: Alii loca sacra sacrilegorum ingressu et egressu contaminata repurgaturi, patentibus per diem et noctem ecclesiae januis, ventum recipiunt. Alii in lapides et ligna, profanorum, ut asserunt, contactu dechristianata, scopis animadvertentes et aqua, superstitiosi lapidum baptistae, dum judaica revocant baptismata, de stultitia insaniam

faciunt.

longer a public but a personal cause.36 In Italy, Gregory gave way to Robert Guiscard to win his assistance.37 He tried every means in ill-fated Germany to make the breach incurable.38

86 Theoderici epist. p. 227: Illud sane quod de ecclesiasticis ventilatur beneficiis ab omni saecularium jure perpetua emunitate asserendis, de Episcopis quoque manu Principis in episcopatum minime introducendis, etsi pro rei novitate primo suo aspectu offensionem generat: aliquam tamen speciem rationis exhibet, si non re [leg. res] vel tali tempore mota, vel tali impetu properata, vel tali foret contentione agitata. Quis enim non videat, non ex religionis zelo, sed ex principis odio haec actitari, cum personis per sacram Rodulfi vel Herimanni dextram non introductis, sed subintroductis, benedictiones non negentur, pallia domum transmittantur, cum his, qui sub aliis Regibus degunt, mitius agatur: nostris autem Episcopis, Archiepiscopis legitime electis, communi assensu receptis, laica etiam communio interdicatur, et in nulla deprehensi culpa, Heinrico solum quia fidem tenent et perjurare timent, reprobi judicentur.

37 Robert had been excommunicated so early as 1074, for having drawn over Campania to himself, Leo Ostiens. chron. Casin. iii. c. 45. Without surrendering his acquisitions, he obtained forgiveness 1080, renewed his oath of allegiance (Part 1, § 23, note 11, comp. under Gregor. lib. viii., ep. 1), and Gregory invested him with the remarkable form (ibid): Ego Gregorius P. investio te, Roberte dux, de terra, quam tibi concesserunt antecessores mei sanctae memoriae Nicolaus et Alexander. De illa autem terra, quam injuste tenes, sicut est Salernus, et Amalphia, et pars marchiae Firmanae, nunc te patienter sustineo, in confidentia Dei omnipotentis et tuae bonitatis, ut tu postea exinde ad honorem Dei et, s. Petri ita te habeas, sicut et te agere et me suscipere decet sine periculo animae tuae et meae. Comp. Stenzel 1, 470.

38 See especially Gregorii lib. ix., ep. 3, to his legates in Germany. He confesses there, Paene omnes nostros fideles, audita nece Rodulphi b. memoriae Regis, niti ad hoc nos crebris adhortationibus flectere, ut Henricum jampridem, sicut scitis, plura facere nobis paratum, cui ferme omnes Italici favent, in gratiam nostram recipiamus, etc. Nevertheless he thinks only of Henry's destruction: Si Henricus forte Longobardiam intraverit, admonere etiam te, carissime frater, volumus ducem Welphonem, ut fidelitatem b. Petro faciat.-Illum enim totum in gremio b. Petri desideramus collocare, et ad ejus servitium specialiter provocare. Quam voluntatem si in eo, vel etiam in aliis potentibus viris-cognoveris, ut perficiant elabora, nosque certos reddere diligenter procura. he prescribes the following oath of fealty for the man who should be chosen king of Germany: Ab hâc horâ et deinceps fidelis ero per rectam fidem b. Petro Apostolo ejusque vicario Papae Gregorio, qui nunc in carne vivit : et quodcumque mihi ipse Papa praeceperit, sub his videlicet verbis: Per veram obedientiam, fideliter, sicut oportet Christianum, observabo. De ordinatione vero ecclesiarum, et de terris vel censu, quae Constantinus Imp., vel Carolus s. Petro dederunt, et de omnibus ecclesiis vel praediis, quae apostolicae sedi ab aliquibus viris

Then

Meanwhile Henry invaded Italy (March 1081), laid waste the lands of Matilda, Countess of Tuscany, without suffering himself to be turned aside by the appointment of a new pretender to the throne in the person of Herman of Luxemburg (Aug. 1081), which was effected through the influence of the Papal party in Germany; at last (1084) he conquered Rome, and there celebrated his triumph with his Pope Clement III. Robert Guiscard indeed relieved Gregory, who was shut up in the castle of St. Angelo, but he found even Rome alienated from him, and closed his days at Salerno († 25th May 1085.)39

vel mulieribus aliquo tempore sunt oblata vel concessa, et in mea sunt vel fuerint potestate, ita conveniam cum Papa, ut periculum sacrilegii et perditionem animae meae non incurram: et Deo sanctoque Petro adjuvante Christo dignum honorem et utilitatem impendam : et eo die, quando illum primitus videro, fideliter per manus meas miles s. Petri et illius efficiar. Yet he gives his legates to understand: de his si quid minuendum vel augendum censueris, non tamen praetermisso integro fidelitatis modo, et obedientiae promissione; potestati tuae et fidei, quam b. Petro debes, committimus. He even yielded about the marriage of priests: Quod vero de sacerdotibus interrogastis, placet nobis ut impraesentiarum, tum propter populorum turbationes, tum etiam propter bonorum inopiam, scilicet quia paucissimi sunt, qui fidelibus Christianis officia religionis persolvant, pro tempore rigorem canonicum temperando, debeatis sufferre. The reason alleged had existed from the first, but now the married priests must not be driven by proscription to join themselves to Henry's party.

39 On these events see especially Bernold. Const. ann. 1081 ss., Stenzel i. 472. On Gregory's death, Paul. Bernried. c. 108, 110. According to his account, at the time of his death he absolved all persons who had been excommunicated by him, praeter Henricum Regem dictum et Guibertum apostolicae sedis invasorem, et omnes illas principales personas, quae aut consilio aut auxilio favent nequitiae vel impietati illorum, and departed this life with the words: Dilexi justitiam et odivi iniquitatem, propterea morior in exilio. On the other hand, Agano, Bishop of Autun, who was with him at his death (see the fragment in Perz. Archiv. vii. 220), relates: ipso die sui transitus ecclesiam adiit, allocutusque populum-primo de credulitate corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri, deinde de intentione totius sui operis, imposita sibi stola absolvit cunctos quocunque modo a se anathematizatos. We can well believe that in the prospect of death, Gregory did not only wish to assert his orthodovy on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, but also took a milder view of the strife he had been engaged in. It is also likely that the general absolution was afterwards disowned and restricted by his party. But a manuscript account which came into circulation in Germany (in Sigeb. Gembl. ad ann. 1085) is manifestly exaggerated, that in extremis suis--confessus est Deo et 8.

40

Authors also come forward on both sides in this grand struggle to defend in writing the principles and the policy of their parties." How greatly the relations betwixt the Papacy and the Empire had been changed in a short time, may be illustrated from the fact, that the decree of Nicolas II. on the Pope's election, which upon its first appearance was regarded as an encroachment on the Imperial rights, was now vindicated on the Imperial side, but on the Papal side was no longer considered satisfactory, and accordingly disclaimed.11

Petro et toti Ecclesiae, se valde peccasse in pastorali cura,―et suadente Diabolo contra humanum genus odium et iram concitasse.-Dimisit ac dissolvit vincula omnium bannorum suorum Imperatori et omni populo christiano, vivis et defunctis, etc. It is so far worthy of note, that it represents the view which many contemporaries took of the justice of the Papal usurpations. Comp. Sigfr. Hirsch de vita et scriptis Sigeberti Gembl. p. 139.

On

40 See Stenzel 1, 495. G. Cassander, das Zeitalter Hildebrands für und gegen ihn. Darmstadt, 1842. Besides the authors named at the beginning of this section, the following also should be pointed out. Gregory's side especially, Anselmus Ep. Lucensis († 1086) libb. ii. contra Guibertum Antipapam, pro defensione Gregorii VII., written 1084 (in Canisius-Basnage III. i., 369, and in bibl. PP. Lugd. xviii., 602.) Bernoldus Constant., monk in St Blasien, afterwards at Schafhausen. By him, beside the apologeticus pro decretis Gregorii (in Gretseri opp. vi. 52. Mansi xx. 404), are many letters and short treatises most fully reported in Monumenta res Alemannicas illustrantia ii. 183. Bernardus, a scholastic in the Monastery of Peterhausen in Swabia, afterwards a monk in Hirschau, to whom probably the apologeticus super excommunicationem Gregorii VII. in Gretseri opp. vi. 29 belongs, see Monum. res Alem. illustr. t. ii. observatt. praev. p. xxii.-On Henry's side, beside Sigebert of Gemblours (note 17 and 25), Weinrich, scholastic in Treves (note 17), and Waltram, Bishop of Naumburg (note 25), there is also Wido, afterwards Bishop of Osnabruck, de Wiberto an in sedem apostolicam legitime fuerit inthronizatus, et Hildebrandus juste reprobatus, in Udalrici cod. epist. nr. 172, in Eccard. ii., 184.

41 Compare Part 1, § 23, note 10 and 12. When Desiderius, Abbot of Cassino (the future Pope Victor III.) appeared in the year 1082 before Henry IV. (chron. Casinense lib. iii. c. 50, in Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. iv. 467), Otto, Bishop of Ostia, afterwards Urban II., reminded him of the privilegium Nicolai P.--ut nunquam Papa in Romana Ecclesia absque consensu Imperatoris fieret, quod si fieret, sciret se non pro Papa habendum esse, atque anathematizandum. Desiderius answered: Neque Papam, neque Episcopum aliquem,-nec ullum hominem hoc juste facere potuisse.-Quodsi hoc a Nicolao Papa factum est, nec pro humana stultitia potest aut debet amittere suam