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On the other hand the Papal power over the German crown was now so firmly establisht, that after King Richard's death († 2. April 1272) the new election was prompted by Gregory," and the newly elected king Rudolph Count of Hapsburg (29. Sept. 1273) was obliged to acknowledge the Pope's supremacy in an humiliating manner, whilst Alphonso was compelled by the same influence to surrender his claim.'

Rudolph, only anxious to establish on a firm basis once more the Imperial influence in Germany, sacrificed to Pope Nicolas III. certain disputed territories in Italy ;10 in return he supported

this order, professing to have been issued by himself; the inhabitants of Viterbo, however, did not believe it (Raynald. 1276 no. 28.) So John XXI. immediately after his accession to the see, while the memory of this conclave, so strictly managed by the men of Viterbo, was fresh in his mind, gave his authority to this suspension (Rayn. 1. c. no. 29), quia experientia docuit, constitutionem eandem multa intolerabilia, nonnulla obscura, et propter hoc accelerationi provisionis ejusdem Ecclesiae valde damnosa-continere. Celestine V. restored the order at last (Raynald. 1294,no. 17.)

7 A historian who lived not much after this time (in Urstisii German. historic. ii.93) relates that when the election was delayed, Gregorius P.

X-praecepit principibus Alemanniae electoribus, ut de Romanorum Rege, sicut sua ab antiqua et approbata consuetudine intererat, providerent, infra tempus eis ad hoc de Papa Gregorio statutun : alias ipse de consensu Cardinalium Romani Imperii providere vellet desolationi. · 8 Rudolph's ambassadors had to take in their master's name, at Lyons, the oaths of Otto IV. (S 54, note 14 and 17), and Frederick II. (8 54, note 30, § 55, note 2) (cf. Raynald. 1274, no. 5 ss.) Some months after followed the confirmation epist. ad Rud. dd. 26. Sept. 1274 (in Rayn. I. c. 10. 55, in M. Gerberti codex epistolaris Rudolphi I. s. Blasii 1772 fol. lib. i. epist. 27, and in F. J. Bodmann codex epist. Rud. I., epistolas ccxxx. anecdotas continens. Lips. 1806. 8. p. 25) with the words : Licet itaque non sine causa distulerimus hactenus, regiam tibi denominationem ascribere ; cum fratribus tamen nostris nuper deliberatione praehabita te Regem Romanorum de ipsorum consilio nominamus. This nomination seems to contain an intentional ambiguity. Rudolph's personal confirmation of that oath, during his interview with the Pope in Lausanne (Oct. 1275), was first publisht in Senkenberg de jure primarum precum Regum Germ. Francof. ad M. 1784. 4. Cod. probationum p. 3 ss. Compare Gesch. d. Hauses Habsburg, v. d. Fürsten E. M. Lichnowsky, Th. i. Gesch. König Rudolphs I., Vienna 1836, s. 124, 136.

See Gregory's two letters to him in Rayn. 1274, no. 45 and no. 50 (the last also in Bodinann l. c. p. 19.) But it was not till 1275 that Alphonso was brought by the threat of excommunication to give up his claiin (Rayn. 1275 no. 15.)

10 When the Imperial Chancellor made the cities of Bologna, Imola,

his claims against Charles I. of Sicily, and negotiated an advantageous peace for Rudolph (1280.)11

Charles' tyranny had often before now provoked Papal censures, 12 when under Martin IV., a Pope entirely in his interest,

Ravenna, Rimini, Urbino, &c., in the year 1278, do homage to the Emperor, Nicolas III. was aggrieved by it, because these cities belonged to the States of the Church, according to the tenor of the Emperor's promises (see note 8), and Rudolph immediately gave in (Raynald. 1278 no. 51. Bodmann p. 79.) The Pope now sent him the copies of all the pretended Imperial deeds of gift (Rayn. I. c. no. 57 : Ne autem per haec nos aliquod novum petere, vel a tuis praedecessoribus Imperatoribus Romanis insolitum, existimes postulare, ad tuam conscientiam plenius serenandam-tibi de verbo ad verbum tenores privilegiorum ipsorum Imperatorum-transmittimus), and required cum expressione nominum praedictorum etc. omnia et singula de novo donari. He added a rough draft for the purpose (Rayn. I. c. no. 62) and Rudolph was obsequious enough to execute it in full (see Bodmann p. 83. All former grants were confirmed in this document, and the States of the Church also enumerated by name (comp. above $ 54, note 14): Ad has pertinet tota terra, quae est a Radicofano usque Ceperanum, Marchia Anconitana, ducatus Spoletanus, terra Comitissae Mathildis, civitas Ravennae et Aemilia, Bobium, Caesena, Forumpopuli, Forumlivii, Faventia, Imola, Bononia, Ferraria, Comaclum, Adriam, atque Gabellum, Ariminum, Urbinum, Monsfeltri, territorium Balnense, Comitatus Britenorii, Exarchatus Ravennae, Pentapolis, Massa Tabaria cum adjacentibus terris et omnibus aliis ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinentibus. Rudolph was also required to wring from the electoral princes a confirmation of this deed (in Raynald. 1279 no. 6.)-Comp. Alberti Argentinensis (about 1378) chronicon in Urstisius ii. 103 : Rex (Rudolfus) nullum motum habens ad Italiam, forsitan quia vidit caeteris multis male successisse, misit Henricum Ep. Basileensem cum membranis sigillo suo sigillatis ad civitatem Romanam, qui ibidem sedi apostolicae Komandiolam et quaedam alia, in damnum grave Imperii, dedit. Annales veteres Mutinensium (in Muratori xi. 72) ann. 1277 : Rodulphus Rex Romanorum donavit civitatem Bononiae et comitatum Romandiolae Papae Nicolao III., et sic Ecclesia Romana facta fuit domina illarum civitatum et terrarum. Lichnowsky's Gesch. d. Hauses Habsburg i. 275.

11 After Charles had been forced by Nicolas to renounce the Regency of Tuscany (Rayn. 1278, no. 68), and lay down the rank of koman Patrician (ib. no. 69), the peace was effected (ib. 1280, no. 1); according to this Charles was to hold Provence and Forcalquier in fee of the Empire. Lichnowsky i. 281.

12 According to Saba Malaspina vi. c. 4 (Murat. viii. 869), Gregory X., when he met with Charles in Tuscany, on his way to Lyons, said to him : “ Super oppressione multiplici et innumeris novitatibus, fili carissime, quibus sub tuo felici dominio Regnicolas opprimi fama clamat, validus frequenter clamor perculit aures nostras.—Revoces the Sicilian vespers (30. March 1282) put an end at once to his dominion in Sicily.18 Whereupon (Aug. 1282) Peter III., King of Aragon, husband of Manfred's daughter Constantia, forthwith came forward there as King.14 All the efforts of the Popes against Peter († 1285)15 and James, his son and successor in Sicily, 16 remained fruitless. Charles I. († 1285), and his son, Charles II., continued to be restricted to Naples.

igitur pro Deo talia, quae Regi pio non congruunt, sed potius regiam celsitudinem dehonestant, ita quod tua grandis adeo felicitas adaugeat, non minuat subditis libertatem.” Ad haec, cum regium Rex non fecisset in hac parte responsum, cujus animus videbatur ad ulteriora proclivior, dictus dominus Gregorius subdidit:“ Veniet, veniet illa dies, qua super te tuosque filios et haeredes tyrannus inopinatus adveniet."

13 On this head, and on Nicolas' III. former share in the conspiracy, see the contemporary Ricordano Malaspini istoria Fiorentina c. 206 ss. (in Muratori viii. 1024.) Schlosser III. ii. ii. 71. E. A. Schmidt's Gesch, Aragoniens im Mittelalter, s. 188.

14 When the men of Palermo, who offered the crown to the Pope, were sent back with an anathema (in Rayn. 1282 no. 13), they wrote to Martin (ib. no. 19): Quia nos indignos b. Petri et vestra gratia reputastis, ille qui manet desuper infallibilis speculator, cui cura est aequalis de omnibus tam majoribus quam pusillis,--alterum Petrum loco Petri affectuosius invocati ex insperato in praesidium nostrum voluit cum paucis comitibus destinare etc.

15 Compare on the whole subject Schlosser III. ii. ii. 76. From the side of Martin IV., who was entirely devoted to Charles, there followed, first excommunication and interdict (Raynald. 1282 no. 23, given in full in d'Achery spicileg. iii. 684), then, in January 1283, the promise (Rayn. ad h. a. no. 4): omnibus Christifidelibus, -qui contra Regem Aragonum-nobis, Ecclesiae vel Regi Siciliae astiterint, si eos-propterea in-conflictu mori contigerit, illam peccatorum suorum, de quibus corde contriti et ore confessi fuerint, veniam indulgemus, quae concedi transfretantibus in terrae sanctae subsidium consuevit. Afterwards on 21. March (Rayn. 1. c. no. 15 ss. d'Achery l. c. p. 689 ss.): Regnum Aragoniae caeterasque terras Regis ipsius-exponentes, ut sequitur, ipsum Petrum Regem Aragonum eisdem regno et terris, regioque honore sententialiter, justitia exigente, privamus ; et privantes exponimus eadem-occupanda catholicis, de quibus et prout scdes apostolica duxerit providendum; in dictis regno et terris ejusdem Ecclesiae Romanae-jure salvo. At last he gave over the kingdom of Aragon to Charles of Valois, as a Papal fief (Rayn. I. c. no. 25 ss.), from whom he required, as an annual quitrent, quingentas libras parvorum Turonensium ; and now caused a crusade to be preached against Sicily and Aragon (Rayn. 1284 no. 2 ss.)

16 After Peter's death, his eldest son Alphonso succeeded him in Aragon, his second son James in Sicily. He was soon greeted with a fresh anathema (Rayn. 1286 no. 8. De colubro regulus prodiit, et de During this struggle, 17 upon the fall of Ptolemais (18. May 1291) the dominion of the Christians in the Holy Land was lost for ever.18

§ 59. BONIFACE VIII. (24. DEC. 1294 -11. OCT. 1303.) BENEDICT XI. (22. OCT.

1303—7. JUL. 1304.) By a combination of ambition, daring, and craft," Boniface VIII. had made his way to the Papal throne, and now threatened to consummate its supremacy on earth. But he fell a victim to the attempt to bring under the Papal yoke the hitherto unmolested kingdom of France, where all along a sounder state of feeling had resisted the Pope's universal-monarchy :8 even more, he brought the Papal See itself into bondage to France.

patre nequitiae filius iniquitatis exivit, Jacobus videlicet etc., a metaphor long before used up, see $ 57, not. 19 anil 26.) However, Nicolas IV. had to consent to make peace with Alphonso, as King of Aragon (Rayn. ad h. a. no. 51.)

17 Martin IV. not only drew away from the Holy Land many crusaders (see note 15), but sent also to King Charles large sums from the tithe contributed for that purpose, as he expresses himself (Rayn. 1283 no. 41) : quod in hujusmodi defensione ac custodia non solum dicti Regis, sed etiam Romanae Ecclesiae honor et utilitas procurantur.

18 Marinus Sanutus lib. ii. P. xii. c. 21 ss. Abulfeda, who was there in person at the time, ann. Moslem. v. 95. Schlosser III. ii. i. 348. Wilken vii. 719.

i Opinions of contemporaries of the Papal party about Boniface : Ptolemaeus Luc. hist. eccl. xxiii. c. 36 (in Murat. xi. 1203): Hic longo tempore experientiam habuit Curiae, quia priino advocatus ibidem, inde factus postea notarius Papae, postea Cardinalis, et inde in cardinalatu expeditor ad casus Collegii declarandos, seu ad exteros respondendum. Nec in hoc habuit parem, sed propter hanc causam factus est fastuosus, et arrogans, ac omnium contemtivus. Bernardus Guido in vita Bonifacii (in Murat. III. i. 670): Incoepit autem quadam singulari via suam potentiam et papalem magnificentiam dilatare. Cujus praedecessor Coelestinus miracula operatus est in vita sua et post morten. Ipse vero Bonifacius fecit mirabilia multa in vita sua, sed ejus mirabilia in fine mirabiliter defecerunt. The Ghibelline Dante calls him “ der neuen Pharisäer Herr und Hort," Germ. Trans. (Inferno, Cant. 27, v.85), and sees in Hellthe place already prepared for him (Inferno, Cant. 19, v. 52.) The Poet places his vision in the year 1300, though the poem was written some years later.

? Comp. Ptolem. Luc. 1. c. cap. 31 sg. p. 1200 ss., but Platina (ann. 1475) adds much to his account, de vitis Pontiff. ed. 1645. 12. p. 539 and 541.

3 Comp. Hugo Floriacensis, above 8 54, note 3. S. Lewis, below 8

When Boniface mounted the throne, he found much in the complication of politics, which invited a brilliant course of Papal statesmanship. The Holy Land was in the power of the Infidels, the Sicilian question still undecided. In Germany, instead of the powerful Rudolph of Hapsburg († 1291), ruled a less powerful King, Adolphus of Nassau. Philip the Fair, King of France, and Edward I., King of England, were engaged in a desperate feud. On both sides were numerous allies, namely, on the French side the King of Scotland, on the English, Adolphus King of Germany and the Count of Flanders. Boniface wisht, after the example of Innocent III. ($ 54, note 6), to convert this war at once into a suit to be decided before him : and when his Legates were dismissed by Philip, he thought to frighten the King, by forbidding him to impose extraordinary taxes on the clergy (Bull Clericis laicos, 24. Febr. 1296.) Philip, however, returned the 62, note 26. Even the French Dominican Vincentius Bellovacensis (about 1240), specul. histor. lib. xxvi. c. 51, relates with censure the conduct of Gregory VII., whom he always calls Hildebrand, towards Henry IV.

4 On the quarrels between Boniface and Philip: Histoire du différend entre le Pape Boniface VIII. et Philippes le bel, Roy de France (par Pierre Du Puy.) Paris 1655 fol., together with an appendix of Documents (Preuves) from the Trésor des chartres du Roi : and Histoire des démêlez du Pape Boniface VIII. avec Philippe le bel, par Adrien Baillet. édit. 2. Paris 1718. 12.

5 The instructions of the Legates sent to Philip and Edward, 18. Feb. 1295, are in Rayn. ad h. a. no. 41. They were to move the kings, ut super hujusmodi negotio--nostris et apostolicae sedis beneplacitis-acquiescant. At the end they received the power, relaxandi juramenta quaelibet super negotio ipso a quibuscunque praestita, necnon confoederationes-et pactiones quascunque super hoc factas dissolvendi, -contradictores quoque quoslibet et rebelles, cujuscunque fuerint ordinis, sive status, per censuram ecclesiasticam appellatione postposita compescendi. At the same time, in two letters, 27. Jun. 1295, King Adolphus was exhorted to peace (Rayn. 1. c. no. 44.)

6 The Bull bears this date, which also is adopted in the liber sextus decretall. lib. III. T. xxiii. cap. 3, in Th. Rymer foedera ed. A. Clarke et F. Holbrooke I. ii. 836 : Clericis laicos infestos oppido tradit antiquitas, quod et praesentium experimenta temporum manifeste declarant dum suis finibus non contenti nitunturin vetitum, ad illicita frena relaxant nec prudenter attendunt, quam sit eis in clericos, ecclesiasticasve personas et bona interdicta potestas :-et (quod dolenter referimus) nonnulli Ecclesiarum Praelati— trepidantes, ubi trepidandum non est, -plus timentes majestatem temporalem offendere quam aeternam, talium abusibus-adquiescunt, sedis apostolicae auctoritate seu licentia

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