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righteous, and the same thing of public opinion. But why may be said of the expectation. in these circumstances Church Suppose an honest repugnance Protestants did not agree with in both our Church parties to Church Catholics to eject the “the doctrines that brought perjured schemers who about the Reformation," and so obnoxious to both, or why they must have gone in the Church Catholics did not body, one would think, to de- suggest alliance for the same mand the exclusion of priests purpose — these things remain who live upon the Church unknown. while betraying it. Are they
Perhaps the Church Protesfew? Then what risk of dis- tants thought such a proposal turbance in depriving them of hopeless. Perhaps the Catholics their opportunities? Are they made the mistake of identifying many? Then how needful the attack upon the Romanising work of purgation. As a priests in the Church with atmatter of fact, there was tack upon themselves. Either such combination to protest, by error or intention, they did nor any approach to it. But immediately rise to the charge why not? Why not, since and answer it as if it had both parties profess a care for been aimed at them, - which the stability of the Church, was in any case unfortunate. and since both must have No doubt the more extreme known that such a course of men of the High Church party agreement would heal these are also accused, but with a raging dissensions almost com- difference which they should pletely and at once? It is a have been the first to insist question that I propose to leave upon and still more sharply unanswered. Yet there should define. The means of doing so be little risk in saying that were easy enough—those that not to do what common police- I have just indicated ; and how court honesty suggests as the clear it is that after denouncing right thing to do, and not to all sympathy with the insidious do it though a way of re- renegades who use their places conciliation would thereby be in the Church to set up little thrown open, is a great mis- poperies of their own — how fortune and a bad sign. That clear it is, I say, that they there is a certain number of might then defend more heartily false corrupting spirits in the and hopefully all that is by any Church; that they are justly means defensible in their cerefeared and not unjustly loathed monial practice! But that was by Church Protestants; that not their chosen way. HeedChurch Catholics, upon whom less that the Protestant cry of they bring suspicions which to-day is a cry against domestic , are the bane of the Church, treachery, which is by no man equally deny association with defensible; heedless, too, that them, —all this is known. It the Protestantism of the time is also known that the bishops is silent before High Church think they need the support ritual till it ripens into Roman
ism, insinuates transubstantia- and it is now clear that in tion, sets up confessional boxes, both relations the Catholics and fumbles after a spiritual hold themselves apart, conauthority beyond the bishops temptuous of Protestantism and behind the Reformation and rejecting State authority. the Ritualists plunged into their There is even some doubt as to grand mistake. Moderate High whether the more pronounced Churchmen joined forces with Church Catholics will accept the most advanced to fling the the authority of the bishops whole Catholic party between if the right to preach certain the Protestant members of the doctrine or to engender certain Church and its direct sub- ideas is by them denied. It is verters, for whom "comprehen- conceivable that the bishops sion " seemed to be demanded will stand by the supremacy of too.
the Queen- it is certain that This was not a way to re- many Church Catholics will concile Church Protestants to continue to deny it; refusing the dubious ritual of Church obedience to the doctrinal interCatholics, or to allay fears pretations of the Privy Council, that were stronger when there whether obeyed by their bishops was less cause for them. The
The bishops are alunconsidered laity were roused; 'owed to be capable of forming the politics of Protestantism- a spiritual court, and therefore which will not allow of sacer- one that is worthy of respect; dotal domination — revived in but yet, to judge by what we full force; and before Parlia- now read and hear, there is ment met the whole Church, some doctrine, and some that the whole country it might be Church Protestants most abhor, said, was arrayed into two so infixed in the Catholic mind hostile camps, between which the true doctrine of the the last words of challenge Church that the bishops will and defiance had passed. The in vain forbid its inculcation. debate that was raised in the Yet now that it is arraigned House of Commons by Mr it must be condemned: upon Samuel Smith had little sig- that the awakened
awakened · Protesnificance in itself. Legislative tantism of the country—which interference — at any rate at is not only a religion, but (may this point—is as undesired as it ever be remembered !) Protesundesirable. Yet the debate tant for social and political had its use in bringing out reasons of profound importance more clearly the breadth and - will insist. Condemnation depth of the division between may be followed by secession, the two parties in the Anglican which, though sad, would at Church, henceforth to be named any rate be an honest movethe Catholic party and the Pro- ment, and leave more honesty testant party by the choice of in the place of its departure. each. How they really stand If not followed by secession, to one another and to the State ejection must ensue: ejection could not be known too soon; from the Church of all who
would remain to de-Protestan- a sort of introduction to the tise its formularies and its Church of Rome.” It is. But faith.
mass is a word of lawful Sir William Harcourt and use, while many things in the Mr Balfour agree that for this extreme Anglo-Catholic ritual unpleasant but necessary busi- are unlawful-intentional viola
new Parliamentary tions of law; and at the same legislation is needed. There is time, alone and in combination, authority enough for the pur- a yet more direct and meaning pose where it is most respected introduction to the Roman by the reactionists to
Church.” They prepare the dotalism; and there is also a ground, as the common saying general agreement, I think, that is; "accustoming the people the bishops propose to use this (it is Dr Temple who speaks power in a wise if much-belated now) “to a ritual like that way. The Archbishop of Can- which they would find in the terbury, whose speech in the Church of Rome.” Now, alHouse of Lords the other day though it is true that we of was most becoming to the sub- the laity are far less concerned ject and himself, rightly inter- with ceremonial than with docprets the feeling of the laity, trine, we like not these unacknowledging that the Church lawful clearings of the ground. is not its priests alone. In Yet it will be enough for his speech he said: “All this contentment if the archbishops, agitation among the laity arises in working out their plan very much more from a belief of judicial intervention, deal that the doctrines of the Church straitly with the more defiant of England are imperilled, than offenders and such as are made from a dislike to the ceremonies outlaws by their own contuwhich have been introduced in macy. We shall be satisfied various churches outside the or- if further they remember, what dinary ceremonies sanctioned by has evidently been a frequent the Church.” This is perfectly thought with them, that when true, but not till it is read once the conflict begins there together with
sentence can be no turning back in the dropped later in the speech, middle of it; and if also they where the Archbishop recog- bear this in mind whenever nises that ritual may be to they sit in judgment. In the doctrine what gesture is to Reformed Church of England, the spoken word. Careful of a spiritual court, dealing with what he says, he yet puts all the Romanising sappers of the that we think about many. Church by spiritual argument things ritualistic in a few syl- alone, may represent the priestlables on the use of the word hood very well, but not very
“It is mischievous," well the laity. This is because he says (how mild is "mischiev- Protestantism is not only a reous !")," not because the word ligion, but, in a very high sense, itself really conveys anything a polity. As to that, however, wrong, but because it is so far
we must perforce be silent. We
may be Protestant if we please ever, that the offending Minister on religious grounds, Protestant knew not what he did, being on social grounds, but we may in a state of exaltation unnot say why. To do that would usually high. Yet this saying be insulting to Roman Catholics, of the Prince Consort's was as Mr W. Redmond fiercely re- true in a sense of considerable minded Mr Samuel Smith in importance. The solidarity of the House of Commons debate, the Cabinet, its joint and several careful as the poor man had been responsibility, the presentation and melting as were his apolo- to the world of its deeds and gies for referring to the con- plans as the plans and deeds fessional. And indeed it is of a committee and of no inbetter not to say why, though dividual, has many great conbetter above all things never veniences, of which one is that to forget : for good and bad Ministers are forbidden to make influences on citizenship keep play in the country on their their character, and are to-day own account: nothing must be what they were in the time done to compromise, to foreof Elizabeth. But though we stall, to overpass
their colcannot vindicate our Protestant leagues. Till lately this wholepreferences without offence, and some rule has been scrupulously will not do so for fear of offend- observed. Lately, however, the ing, the Spiritual Court which whole system of government in is about to be set up will know England has been giving way, why we cherish certain school- just as the Prince above-named policies, hearth - policies, and foresaw when nothing in the what our theories are as to country appeared more fixed freedom of mind and the mak- and stable than its political ing of men. And these things machinery. Seemingly outthe Spiritual Court will be worn, it weakens in various good enough not
to forget ways, but mainly in the sinking amid its jangling interpretings of the authority of the House of King Edward the Sixth's of Commons, and the growing prayer-book,
Ministerial habit of going past the House for direct communication with the people. A dem
ocratic change, of course, but The Prince Consort said of yet an obvious change for the our system of Government by worse ; and a break in the Cabinet, that it worked as a solidarity of Cabinet Governcheck to the personal ambition ment would be a very natural of individual Ministers. The result of it. ambition he had in mind is un- But are there any signs of known in England, though it is such break ?
There are, true that on a certain occasion though, so far, none of a parthe government of the country ticularly formidable character. was all but snatched out of Something of the kind appeared the Queen's hands. The ex- when, at a dark and anxious planation of that case is, how- time, Mr Chamberlain spoke
against an isolation policy and could see the mistake of launchcalled for a fighting alliance ing a scheme of that character with some great military power. in the midst of a furious ProOther though less striking in- testant agitation. The other stances will be remembered; supposition must be the right none of which, however, pre- one; but though in some repared the world political for spects preferable, it is almost Mr Balfour's letter advocating as hard to reconcile with the the institution by the State of usual and expected. By a Roman Catholic universities in positive and even vehement Ireland.
expression of opinion, addressed When every other man in to the country on a notoriously the Cabinet is hanged for over- difficult and inflammatory quesindulgence in personal ambition tion, a leading member of the we may begin to suspect Mr Government forces his colBalfour of the weakness. The leagues into a position which present belief about him on that some of them think wrong, score is that he would sooner and all may find extremely retire to Whittinghame, and awkward. Even they say so remain there, than play the who wish well to Mr Balfour's pushful man in politics even proposal, which allows me the for a day. But that makes the satisfaction of speaking farther publication of his letter the in language not my own. more remarkable ; reducing the is only by carrying out this explanation of it to a belief proposal, says the Spectator, that it was a right and a politic that the Government can now thing to do. How many of avoid serious trouble within its his friends share that belief, own body. either upon the hypothesis that his colleagues were agreed with Mr Balfour bas in effect told his con
“In the strongest possible language him or that they were not ? stituents that an imperative duty rests In the one case the presump- upon those who are true Unionists tion must be that the Cabinet, and true Protestants to deal with the
claims of the Irish Roman Catholics being willing after due consideration to provide Ireland tion." But supposing that the Gov
in regard to Irish university educawith Roman Catholic univer- ernment “cannot in the end agree to sities, but at the same time deal with the problem, . . . both Mr doubting the popularity of such Balfour and the Cabinet will be placed a scheme, commissioned one of four's exercise of the right of free
in a terribly false position. Mr Baltheir number to fly the pro- speech on Catholic education must posal through the press as a look like, and act as, an indictment suggestion of his own. When of the Cabinet as bad Unionists. . .
A certain situation has been created fully stated, that is the first by his letter and his Manchester hypothesis, and glaringly im- speeches. . . . He may have been possible. It is so impossible rash ; he may even have acted with. an innovation that it cannot out due consideration for his colbe made to look more so, even
leagues ; all we know is that by his
recent action he has made it imperaby the unlikelihood that no
tive for the Cabinet to deal with the member of the Government problem.” “It is only by placing