case of Etna, is said to be eighty-one, of which the following may be regarded as an accurate enumeration. Those mentioned by Thucydides amount to three. In 122 B.C. there was one.. In 44 A.D. one. In 352 A.D. one. During the 12th century, two happened. During the 13th, one. During the 14th, tico During the 15th, four. During the 16th, four. During the 17th, twenty-two. During the 18th, thirtytwo. Since the commencement of the 19th, nunc. (Malte-Brun, Geogr., vol. 4, p. 293, Brussels ed.) That the Greeks did not suffer this mountain to remain unemployed in their mythological legends may easily be imagined, and hence the fable that Etna lay on part of the giant form of Typhon, enemy of the gods. (Pindar, Pyth., l. c. — Compare Eschylus, Prom. Vinct., v. 365. — Hyginus, c. 152. Apollod, 1, 6, 3, and Heyne, ad loc., where the different traditions respecting Typhon are collected.) According to Virgil (En., 3, 578), Enceladus lay beneath this mountain. Another class of mythographers placed the Cyclopes of Homeric fable on Etna, though the poet never dreamed of assigning the island Thrinakia as an abode for his giant creations. (Mannert, vol. 3, p. 9, seqq.) When the Cyclopes were regarded as the aids of Vulcan in the labours of the forge, they were translated, by the wand of fable, from the surface to the bowels of the mountain, though the Lipari islands were more commonly regarded as the scene of Vulcan's art. (Mannert, 9, pt. 2, p. 297.)-II. A small city on the southern declivity of Etna. The first name of the place was Inessa, or Inessos, and Thucydides (6, 94) speaks of the inhabitants under the appellation of Inessæi ('Ivnoσaío). The form of the name, therefore, as given by Strabo (268), namely, Innesa ("Ivvnoa), as well as that found in Diodorus Siculus (14, 14), Ennesia ('Evvncía), are clearly erroneous. The name of the place was changed to Etna by the remains of the colony which Hiero had settled at Catana, and which the Siculi had driven out from that place. Hiero had called Catana by the name of Ætna, and the new-comers applied it to the city which now furnished them with an abode. This migration to Inessa happened Ol. 79, 4. At a subsequent period (Ol. 94, 2) we find the elder Dionysius master of the place, a possession of much importance to him, since it commanded the road from Catana to the west were especially distinguished for the uncouthness of their language and the ferocity of their habits. (Thucyd., 3, 94.) In this historian's time they had as yet made no figure among the leading republics of Greece, and are seldom mentioned in the course of the war which he undertook to narrate. From him we learn that the Etolians favoured the interests of the Lace dæmonians, probably more from jealousy of the Athe nians, whom they wished to dislodge from Naupactus than from any friendship they bore to the former. The possession of that important place held out induce ments to the Athenians, in the sixth year of the war, to attempt the occupation, if not the ultimate conquest, of all Etolia: the expedition, however, though ably planned, and conducted by Demosthenes himself, pro ved signally disastrous. We scarcely find any subsequent mention of the Etolians during the more important transactions which, for upward of a century, occupied the different states of Greece. We may collect, however, that they were at that time engaged in perpetual hostilities with their neighbours the Acarnanians. On the death of Philip and the accession of Alexander, the Ætolians exhibited symptoms of hostile feelings towards the young monarch (Diod. Src., 17, 3), which, together with the assistance they afforded to the confederate Greeks in the Lamiac war, drew upon them the vengeance of Antipater and Craterus, who, with a powerful army, invaded their country, which they laid waste with fire and sword. The Etolians, on this occasion, retired to their mountain-fastnesses, where they intrenched themselves until the ambitious designs of Perdiccas forced the Macedonian generals to evacuate their territory. (Diod. Stc., 18, 25.) If the accounts Pausanias has followed are correct, Greece was afterward mainly indebted to the tolians for her deliverance from a formidable irruption of the Gauls, who had penetrated into Phocis and Etolia. On being at length compelled to retreat, these barbarians were so vigorously pursued by the Etolians, that scarcely any of them escaped. (Pausan., 10, 23.-Polyb., 9, 30.) From this time we find Etolia acquiring a degree of importance among the other states of Greece, to which it had never aspired during the brilliant days of Sparta and Athens; but these republics were now on the decline, while northern Greece, after the example of Macedonia, was training up a numerous and hardy population to the practice of war. It is rarely, however, that history has to record achievements or acts of policy honourable to TOLIA, a country of Greece, situate to the east of the Etolians: unjust, rapacious, and without faith or Acarnania. The most ancient accounts which can be religion, they attached themselves to whatever side the traced respecting this region, represent it as formerly hope of gain and plunder allured them, which they possessed by the Curetes, and from them it first re- again forsook in favour of a richer prize whenever the ceived the name of Curetis. (Strab., 465.) A change temptation presented itself. (Polyb., 2, 45 and 46.— was subsequently effected by Etolus, the son of En- Id., 4, 67.) We thus find them leagued with Alexdymion, who arrived from Elis in the Peloponnesus, ander of Epirus, the son of Pyrrhus, for the purpose at the head of a band of followers, and, having defeat- of dismembering Acarnania, and seizing upon its cities ed the Curetes in several actions, forced them to aban- and territory. (Polyb., 2, 45. — Id., 9, 34.) Again don their country (vid. Acarnania), and gave the ter- with Cleomenes, in the hope of overthrowing the ritories which they had left the name of Ætolia. Achæan confederacy. (Polyb., 2, 45.) Frustrated, (Ephor ap. Strab., 463. — Pausan., 5, 1.) Homer however, in these designs by the able counsels of Ararepresents the Etolians as a hardy and warlike race, tus, and the judicious and liberal policy of Antigonus engaged in frequent conflicts with the Curetes. He Doson, they renewed their attempts on the death of informs us, also, that they took part in the siege of that prince, and carried their arms into the Pelopon Troy, under the command of Thoas their chief, and nesus; which gave rise to the social war, so ably de often alludes to their prowess in the field. (Il., 9, scribed by Polybius. This seems to have consisted 527; 2, 638, &c.) Mythology has conferred a de- rather in predatory incursions and sudden attacks on gree of celebrity and interest on this portion of Greece, both sides, than in a regular and systematic plan of from the story of the Calydonian boar, and the exploits operations. The Etolians suffered severely; for of Meleager and Tydeus, with those of other Etolian Philip, the Macedonian king, whose youth they had dewarriors of the heroic age; but, whatever may have spised, advanced into the heart of Etolia at the head contributed to give renown to this province, Thucydi- of a considerable force, and avenged, by sacking and des (1, 5) assures us, that the Ætolians, in general, | plundering Thermus, their chief city, the sacrilegious like most of the northwestern clans of the Grecian attack made by them on Dodona, and also the capture continent, long preserved the wild and uncivilized of Dium in Macedonia. (Polyb., 5, 7, seqq.) When habits of a barbarous age. The more remote tribes the Romans, already hard pressed by the second Pu ern parts of the island. The ancient site is now marked by ruins, and the place bears the name of Castro. (Mannert, 10, pt. 2, p. 291, seqq.) - several states met in a common assembly, called Pan ætolium, and formed one republic under the adminis tration of a prætor. The officer was chosen annually; and upon him devolved more especially the direction of military affairs, subject, however, to the authority of the national assembly. Besides this, there was also a more select council called Apocleti. In addition to the chief magistrate, we hear of other officers, such as a general of cavalry and a public secretary. (Liv., 31, 29.-Polyb., 4, 5.-Id., Frag., 22, 15.Tittmann, Griechisch. Staatsverfass., p. 386, seqq.)— The following are the limits of Ætolia, according to Strabo (450). To the west it was separated from Acarnania by the Achelous; to the north it bordered on the mountain districts occupied by the Athamanes, Dolopes, and Ænianes; to the east it was contiguous to the country of the Locri Ozolæ, and, more to the north, to that of the Dorians; on the south it was washed by the Corinthian Gulf. The same geograwithin these boundaries into Etolia Antiqua and Epictetus. The former extended along the coast from the Achelous to Calydon; and included also a considerable tract of rich champaign country along the Achelous as far as Stratus. This appears to have been the situation chosen by Etolus for his first settlement. The latter, as its name implies, was a territory subsequently acquired, and comprehended the most mountainous and least fertile parts of the province, stretching towards the Athamanes on the north side, and the Locri Ozola on the eastern. (Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 2, p. 60, seqq.) Etolia was, in general, a rough and mountainous country. (Compare Hobhouse, Journey, &c., Letter 16, vol. 1, p. 189, Am. ed.-Pouqueville, Voyage, &c., vol. 3, p. 231.) Some parts, however, were remarkable for their fertility; such as, 1. The large Etolian field (Altoh☎v edíov péya.-Dionys. Perieg., v. 432). 2. Paracheloitis, or the fruitful region at the mouth of the Achelous, formed from the mud brought down by the river, and drained, or, according to the legend, torn by Hercules from the river-god. (Vid. Achelous.) 3. The Lelantian field, at the mouth of the Evenus. (Kruse, Hellas, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 189, seqq.) nic war, then raging in Italy, found themselves threatened on the side of Greece by the secret treaty concluded by the King of Macedon with Hannibal, they saw the advantage of an alliance with the Etolians in order to avert the storm; and, though it might reflect but little credit on their policy, in a moral point of view, to form a league with a people of such questionable character, the soundness of judgment which dictated the measure cannot be doubted; since they were thus enabled, with a small fleet and an army under the command of M. Valerius Lævinus, to keep in check the whole of the Macedonian force, and effectually to preclude Philip from affording aid to the Carthaginians in Italy. (Livy, 26, 24.) The Etolians also proved very useful allies to the Romans in the Macedonian war, during which they displayed much zeal and activity, particularly in the battle of Cynoscephalæ, where their cavalry greatly distinguished itself, and contributed essentially to that decisive victory. (Liv., 33, 7.) On the conclusion of peace, the Etolians flat-pher informs us, that it was usual to divide the country tered themselves that their exertions in favour of the Romans would be rewarded with a share of the provinces taken from the enemy. But the crafty Romans considered Ætolia already sufficiently powerful to render any considerable addition to its territory impolitic, and even dangerous. The Etolians were, at this time, no longer confined within the narrow limits which the early history of Greece assigns to them, but had extended their dominions on the west and northwest as far as Epirus, where they were in possession of Ambracia, leaving to Acarnania a few towns only on the coast: towards the north, they occupied the districts of Amphilochia and Aperantia, a great portion of Dolopia, and, from their connexion with Athamantia, their influence in that direction was felt even to the borders of Macedonia. On the side of Thessaly they had made themselves masters of the country of the Enianes, a large portion of Phthiotis, with the cantons of the Melians and Trachinians. On the coast they had gained the whole of the Locrian shore to the Crissæan Gulf, including Naupactus. In short, they wanted but little to give them the dominion over the whole of Northern Greece. The Romans, therefore, satisfied with having humbled and weakened the Macedonian prince, still left him power enough to check and curb the arrogant and ambitious projects of this people. The Etolians appear to have keenly felt the disappointment of their expectations. (L., 33, 13 and 31.) They now saw all the consequences of the fault they had committed, in opening for the Romans a way to Greece; but, too weak of themselves to eject these formidable intruders, they turned their thoughts towards Antiochus, king of Syria, whom they induced to come over into that country, this monarch having been already urged to the same course by Hannibal. (Liv., 35, 33.) With the assistance of this new ally, they made a bold attempt to seize at once the three important towns of Demetrias, Lacedæmon, and Chalcis, in which they partly succeeded; and, had Antiochus prosecuted the war as vigorously as it was commenced, Greece, in all probability, would have been saved, and Italy might again have seen Hannibal in her territories at the head of a victorious army; but a single defeat at Thermopyla crushed the hopes of the coalition, and drove the feeble Antiochus back into Asia. (Liv., 36, 19.) The Etolians, deserted by their ally, remained alone exposed to the vengeance of the foe. Heraclea, Naupactus, and Ambracia were in turn besieged and taken; and no other resource being left, they were forced to sue for peace. This was granted A.U.C. 563; but on conditions that for ever humbled their pride, crippled their strength, and left them but the semblance of a republic. (Liv., 38, 11. -Polyb., Frag., 22, 13.)-The Ætolian polity appears to have consisted of a federal government, somewhat similar to the Achæan league. Deputies from the ETOLUS, son of Endymion (the founder of Elis), and of Neis, or, according to others, Iphianassa. Having accidentally killed Apis, son of Phoroneus, he fled with a band of followers into the country of the Curetes, which received from him the name of Ætolia. (Apollod., 1, 7, 5.-Vid. Ætolia.) Ex, I. a rocky island between Tenos and Chios, deriving its name from its resemblance to a goat (ai). It is said by some to have given the appellation of "Egean" (Aiyaiov) to the sea in which it stood. (Plin., 4, 11.)—II. The goat that suckled Jupiter, changed into a constellation. AFER, Cn. Domitius, an orator during the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero. He was born at Nemausus (Nismes), B.C. 15 or 16, of obscure parents, and not, as some maintain (Faydıt, Remarques sur Virgile), of the Domitian line. After receiving a good education in his native city, he re moved, at an early age, to Rome, where he subsequently distinguished himself by his talents at the bar, and rose to high honours under Tiberius. His services as an informer, however, most of all endeared him to the reigning prince, and in this infamous trade he numbered among his victims Claudia Pulchra, the cousin of Agrippina, and Q. Varus, son of the former. A skilful flatterer, he managed to preserve all his favour under the three emperors who came after Tiberius, and finally died of intemperance under the last of the three, Nero, A.D. 59. He was the preceptor of Quintilian, who has left a very favourable account of his oratorical abilities. (Tacitus, Ann., 4, 52.—Id. ibid., 14, 19.—Quintil., 5, 7.) AFRANIA. Vid. Supplement. few long or easily-navigated rivers.-The Greeks AFRANIA GENS. Vid. Supplement. would seem to have been acquainted, from a very earAFRANIUS, I. a Latin comic poet, who flourished ly period, with the Mediterranean coast of this counabout 100 B.C. Cicero (Brut., 45) says that he imita- try, since every brisk north wind would carry their ted C. Titius, and praises him for acuteness of percep- vessels to its shores. Hence we find Homer already tion, as well as for an easy style. ("Homo perargutus, evincing a knowledge of this portion of the continent. in fabulis quidem etiam, ut scitis, disertus.") Horace (Od., 4, 84.) A tawny-coloured population roamed speaks of him as an imitator of Menander. (Epist, along this extensive region, to whom the name of Lib2, 1, 57-Compare Cic., de Fin., 1, 3.) Afranius yans (Aibver) was given by the Greeks, a corruption, himself admits, in his Compitales, that he derived probably, of some native term; while the country ocmany even of his plots from Menander and other cupied by them was denominated Libya ( Aibún). Greek writers. In other instances, however, he made To this same coast belonged, in strictness, the lower the manners and customs of his own country the basis portion of Egypt; but the name of this latter region of his pieces. Quintilian (10, 1, 100) praises the tal- had reached the Greeks as early as, if not earlier than, ents of Afranius, but censures him, at the same time, that of Libya, and the two therefore remained always for his frequent and disgusting obscenities. Of all his disunited. Egypt, in consequence, was regarded as a works, only some titles, and 266 verses remain, which separate country, until the now firmly-established idea are to be found in the Corpus Poetarum of Maittaire, of three continents superinduced the necessity of atand have also been published by Bothe and Neukirch. taching it to one of the three. By some, therefore, it (Bahr, Gesch. Röm. Lat., vol. 1, p. 111.-Schöll, Hist. was considered as a part of Asia, while others made Lat. Rom., vol. 1, p. 139.)—II. Nepos, a commander the Nile the dividing limit, and assigned part of Libya who had served under Pompey, and was named by him to Egypt, while the portion east of the Nile was made consul, A.U.C. 694, a period when Pompey was be- to belong to the Asiatic continent. As regarded the ginning to dread the power and ambition of Cæsar. extent of Libya inland, but little was at that time known. Afranius, however, performed nothing remarkable at Popular belief made the African continent of small dithis particular time, having a distaste for public affairs. mensions, and supposed it to be washed on the south Fourteen years later, when Pompey and Cæsar had by the great river Oceanus, which encircled also the come to an open rupture, Afranius was in Spain, as the whole of what was then supposed to be the flat and lieutenant of the former, along with Petreius, who held circular disk of the earth. In this state, or very nearly a similar appointment. Cæsar entered the country at so, Herodotus found the geographical knowledge and this period, and the two lieutenants, uniting their for- opinions of his contemporaries. The historian oppoces, awaited his approach in an advantageous position ses many of the speculations of the day on this subject near Ilerda (the modern Lerida). Cæsar was defeat- (4, 36, seqq.); he rejects the earth-encompassing Oceed in the first action, and two days afterward saw anus, as well as the idea that the earth was round as himself blockaded, as it were, in his very camp, by the if made by a machine. He condemns also the division sudden rise of the two rivers between which it was into Europe, Asia, and Africa, on account of the great situate. His genius, however, triumphed over every disproportion of these regions. Compelled, however, obstacle, and he eventually compelled the two lieu- to acquiesce in the more prevalent opinions of the day, tenants of Pompey to submit without a second encoun- he recognises Libya as distinct from Egypt, or, more ter. They disbanded their troops and returned to It-properly speaking, makes the Nile the dividing line, aly, after having promised never to bear arms against though, from his own private conviction, it is easy to Cæsar for the future. Afranius, however, either for- perceive that he himself takes for the eastern limit of getful of his word, or having in some way released Africa what is regarded as such at the present day. himself from the obligation he had assumed, took part None of the later geographers, down to the time of with Pompey in the battle of Pharsalia, being intrust- Ptolemy, appear to have disturbed this arrangement. ed with the command of the right wing, although his Eratosthenes, Timosthenes, and Artemidorus, all adopt capitulation in Spain had laid him open to the charge it; Strabo also does the same, though he considers of having betrayed the interests of his chief. After the the Arabian Gulf, with the isthmus to the north, as afbattle of Thapsus, Afranius and Faustus Sylla moved fording the far more natural boundary on the east. As along the coast of Africa, with a small body of troops, Alexandrea, however, was built to the west of the in the design of passing over to Spain, and joining the mouths of the Nile, the canal which led off to this city remains of Pompey's party in that quarter. They were was regarded as a part of the eastern boundary of the encountered, however, by Sittius, one of the partisans continent, and hence we find the city belonging on one of Cæsar, who defeated and made them prisoners. It side to Libya, and on the other to Asia. (Hierocles, was the intention of Sittius to have saved their lives, Bellum Alexandr., c. 14.) The Romans, as in most but they were both massacred by his soldiers. (Cas., of their other geographical views, followed here also Bell. Civ., 1, 38.-Cic., ep. ad Att., 1, 18.—Plut., Vit. the usages of the Greeks, and hence Mela (1, 1) rePomp.-Sueton., Vit. Cæs., 34.-Florus, 4, 2.)-III. | marks, Quod terrarum jacet a freto ad Nilum, AfPotitus, a plebeian, in the reign of Caligula, who, in a ricam vocamus." As, however, in their subdivisions spirit of foolish flattery, bound himself by an oath that of territory, the district of Marmarica was added to the he would depart from existence in case the emperor government of Africa, they began gradually to contract recovered from a dangerous malady under which he the limits of Libya, and to consider the Catabathmus was labouring. Caligula was restored to health, and Magnus as the dividing point. Hence we find the Potitus compelled to fulfil his oath. (Dio Cass., 59, same Mela remarking (1, 8), “Catabathmus, vallis 8.-Compare the remarks of Reimar, ad loc, on the devexa in Ægyptum, finit Africam." In consequence belief prevalent throughout the ancient world that the of this new arrangement, Egypt on both sides of the life of an individual could be prolonged if another Nile began to be reckoned a part of the continent of Would lay down his own in its stead.) Asia. ("Egyptus Asia prima pars, inter Catabath. AFRICA, one of the main divisions of the ancient mum et Arabas."-Mela, 1, 9.) Ptolemy laid aside, world, known to history for upward of three thousand in his day, all these arbitrary points of separation, and, years; yet, notwithstanding its ancient celebrity, and assuming the Arabian Gulf as the true and natural dinotwithstanding its vicinity to Europe, still in a great viding line on the east, made Egypt a part of Africa. measure eluding the examination of science. Modern and added to the same continent the whole western observation and discoveries make it to be a vast penin-coast of the same gulf, which had before been regardsula, 5000 miles in length, and almost 4600 in breadth, ed as an appendage of Arabia. (Mannert, 10, pt. 2, presenting in an area of nearly 13,430,000 square miles, | p. 1, seqq.)—The name of Africa seems to have been AFRICA. originally applied by the Romans to the country around Carthage, the first part of the continent with which they became acquainted, and the appellation is said to have been derived from a small Carthaginian district on the northern coast, called Frigi. (Ritter, Erdkunde, 1, p. 955, 2d ed.) Hence, even when the name had become applied to the whole continent, there still reniained, in Roman geography, the district of Africa Proper, on the Mediterranean coast, corresponding to the modern kingdom of Tunis, with part of that of Tripol. The term Libya, on the other hand, though used by the Greeks to designate the entire country, became limited with the Romans to a part merely; and thus we have with the latter, the region of Libya, extending along the coast from the Greater Syrtis to Egypt, and stretching inland to the deserts.-The knowledge which Herodotus possessed of this continent was far He considered Africa as terminating from extensive. north of the equinoctial line; and, even in these narrow limits, Egypt alone, ranking it as a part of Africa If we exclude Egypt, the in fact, is clearly described. acquaintance possessed by the historian relative to the other parts of the continent, and which is founded on the information imparted by others, follows merely | three lines of direction: one proceeds along the Nile, and reaches probably the limit of modern discoveries in that quarter; another, leaving the temple and Oasis of Ammon, loses itself in the great desert; while a third advances along the Mediterranean coast as far as the environs of Carthage. (Malte-Brun, 1, p. 26, Brussels ed.) The natives of Africa are divided by Herodotus into two races, the Africans, or, to adopt the Greek phraseology, Libyans, and the Ethiopians; one possessing the northern, the other the southern part (4, 197). By these appear to be meant the Moors, and the Negroes, or the darker-coloured nations of the interior. The common boundary of the Africans and Æthiopians in ancient times may be placed Hanno at the southern border of the Great Desert. found the Ethiopians in possession of the western coast, about the parallel of 19°; and Piiny (5, 31) places them at five journeys beyond Cerne. At present the negroes are not found higher up than the Senegal river, or about 17°, and that only in the inland parts. (Rennell, Geography of Herodotus, p. 427, seqq.) Nothing, however, can be more indeterminate than the terms Æthiopia and Æthiopian; and it is certain that many distinct races were included under the latter denomination. (Vid. Æthiopia) The whole of Africa, except where it is joined to Asia, was known by the ancients in general to be surrounded by the sea; but of its general figure and extension towards the south they had no accurate knowledge. There is strong reason, however, to believe, that, at an era anterior to the earliest records of history, the circumnavigation of Africa was accomplished by the Phoenicians in the serHerodotus, to whom vice of Necho, king of Egypt. we are indebted for the knowledge of this interesting fact, speaking of the peninsular figure of the continent This discovery was first of Africa, says (4, 42): made by Necho, king of Egypt, as far as we are able to judge. When he had desisted from opening the canal that leads from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, he sent certain Phoenicians in ships, with orders to pass by the Columns of Hercules into the sea that lies to the north of Africa, and then to return to Egypt. These Phoenicians thereupon set sail from the Red Sea, and entered into the Southern Ocean. On the approach of autumn, they landed in Africa, and planted some grain in the quarter to which they had come when this was ripe and they had cut it down, they put to sea again. Having spent two years in this way, they in the third passed the Columns of Hercules, and returned to Egypt. Their relation may obtain credit from others, but to me it seems impossible to be believed; for they affirmed, that, as they sailed around the coast of Africa, they had the sun on their right Ac Herod, l. c., vol. 3, p. 458, seqq. — Murray, Account 71 left on some desert island; and the latter, having dis covered this, escaped into the Roman province, and thence passed over into Spain. Here he constructed two vessels, one intended to keep near the coast, the other to sail in deep water; and, having taken on board agricultural implements, various kinds of grain, and skilful artificers, he set sail on a second voyage, resolvisland which he had previously discovered. At this point, unfortunately, the narrative of Posidonius, as detailed by Strabo, stops short, leaving us totally in the dark as to the result. Pomponius Mela (3, 9, 10) tells us, on the alleged authority of Cornelius Nepos, that Eudoxus actually made the circuit of Africa, adding some particulars of the most fabulous description respecting the nations whom he saw. But no dependance can be placed on this doubtful authority; whereas the narrative of Posidonius bears every mark of authenticity. (Compare Murray, 1, p. 13, seqq., and Malte-Brun, 1, p. 68, where the voyage of Eudoxus is defended against the remarks of Gossellin in his Recherches, &c., 1, p. 217, seqq) These are the only instances on record in which the circumnavigation of Africa was either performed or attempted by the ancients. Other voyages were, however, undertaken with a view to the exploration of certain parts of its unknown coasts. The most memorable is that per the way to India to those whom the monarch should charge with this commission. Euergetes assented, and Eudoxus was one of those directed to go on this errand. He sailed with a cargo of various articles calculated for presents, and brought back in exchange aromatics and precious stones. He was disappointed, however, in the expectations of profit which he had en tertained, since the king appropriated all the return-ing, if the navigation became too long, to winter in the cargo to himself. After the death of Euergetes, Cleopatra, his widow, assumed the reins of government, and sent Eudoxus on a second voyage to India with a richer supply of merchandise than before. On his return, he was carried by the winds to the coast of Ethiopia, where, landing at several points, he conciliated the natives by distributing among them corn, wine, and dried figs, things of which until then they had been ignorant. He received in exchange water and guides. He noted down also some words of their language; and found, moreover, in this quarter, the extremity of a ship's prow, carved in the shape of a horse's head. This fragment, he was told, had belonged to a shipwrecked vessel that came from the west. Having reached Egypt, he found the son of Cleopatra on the throne, and he was again despoiled of the fruits of his voyage, being charged with having converted many things to his own use. As regards the fragment of the shipwrecked vessel brought home with him, he exposed it in the marketplace for the examination of pilots and masters of ves-formed along the western coast by Hanno, about 570 sels, who informed him that it must have belonged to years before the Christian era. The Carthaginians a ship from Gades (Cadiz). The grounds of their be- fitted out this expedition with a view partly to colonilief were as follows: the traders of Gades, according zation and partly to discovery. The armament conto them, had large vessels; but the less wealthy, small-sisted of sixty ships, of fifty oars each, on board of which er ones, which they called horses, from the ornament were embarked persons of both sexes to the number of on their prows, and which they used in fishing along 30,000. After two days' sail from the Columns of the coasts of Mauritania as far as the river Lixus. Hercules, they founded, in the midst of an extensive Some shipmasters even recognized the fragment as hav- plain, the city of Thymiaterium. In two days more ing belonged to a certain vessel of this class, which, they came to a wooded promontory, and, after sailing with many others, had attempted to advance beyond round a bay, founded successively four other cities. the Lixus, and had never after been heard of. From They then passed the mouth of a great river, called the these statements Eudoxus conceived the possibility of Lixus, flowing from lofty mountains inhabited by incircumnavigating Africa. He returned home, disposed hospitable Ethiopians, who lived in caves. Thence of all his effects, and put to sea again with the money they proceeded for three days along a desert coast to a thus obtained, intending to attempt the enterprise in small island, to which they gave the name of Cerne, question. Having visited Dicearchia, Massilia, and and where they founded another colony; and afterward other commercial cities, he everywhere announced his sailed southward along the coast, till their farther progproject, and collected funds and adventurers. He was ress was arrested by the failure of provisions. (Hann. at length enabled to equip one large and two small ves- Peripl., in Geogr. Gr. Min., ed. Gail, 1, p. 113, sels, well-stored with provisions and merchandise, man- seqq.) With regard to the extent of coast actually exned chiefly by volunteers, and carrying, moreover, a plored by this expedition, the brief and indistinct narpompous train of artisans, physicians, and young slaves rative affords ample room for learned speculation and skilled in music. Having set sail, he was carried on his controversy. According to Rennell (Geogr. of Herod., way at first by favourable breezes from the west. The p. 719, seqq ), the island of Cerne is the modern Arcrews, however, became fatigued, and he was compell- guin, the Lixus is the Senegal, and the voyage extended, though reluctantly, to keep nearer the shore, and ed a little beyond Sierra Leone. M. Gossellin, on the soon experienced the disaster which he had dreaded, other hand (Recherches, &c., 1, p. 61, seqq ), contends his ship grounding on a sandbank. As the vessel did that the whole course was along the coast of Mauritanot immediately go to pieces, he was enabled to save nia; that the Lixus was the modern Lucos, Cerne was the cargo and great part of her timbers. With the Fedala, and the voyage extended little beyond Cape latter he constructed another vessel of the size of one Nun. Malte-Brun (1, p. 33, Brussels ed.) carries of fifty oars. Resuming his route, he came to a part Hanno as far as the bays called the Gulf dos Medaros, inhabited by nations who spoke the same language, as and the Gulf of Gonzalo de Cintra, on the shore of the he thought, with those on the eastern coast whom he desert: and he is induced to assume this distance, in had visited in his second voyage from India, and of some degree, from the fact of Himilco, another Carwhose tongue he had noted down some words. Hence thaginian, having advanced in the same direction as he inferred that these were a part of the great Æthio- far to the north as the coasts of Britain, a voyage much pian race. The smallness of his vessels, however, in- longer and more perilous than that said to have been duced him at length to return, and he remarked on his performed by Hanno along the African coast. (Plin., way back a deserted island, well supplied with wood 7, 67.- Fest. Avien. Ora Maru., v. 80, seqq.) A and water. Having reached Mauritania, he sold his translation of the Periplus, however, will be found unvessels and repaired to the court of Bocchus, and ad-der the article Hanno, from which the student may vised the king to send out a fleet of discovery along the coast of Africa. The monarch's friends, however, inspired him with the fear that his kingdom might, in this way, become gradually exposed to the visits and incursions of strangers. He made fair promises, therefore, to Eudoxus, but secretly intended to have him draw his own conclusions-At a much later period this part of the coast excited the curiosity of the Roman conquerors. Polybius, the celebrated historian, was sent out by Scipio on an exploratory voyage in the same direction; but, from the meager account preserved by Pliny, M. Gossellin infers that he did not |