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according to Tacitus, the mother of the gods, Hertha, and the symbol of her worship was a wild boar Now, as this animal was sacred to Freya, the Scandinavian Venus, and as Freya is often confounded with Frigga, the mother of the gods in the Scandinavian mythology, Tacitus evidently fell into a similar error, and misunderstood his informers. (Tacit., M. G., 45.—Pinkerton, Diss. on Scythians, &c., p. 168.) ACsöLA, a town of Latium, the site of which remains undiscovered. Horace (Od., 3, 29, 6) speaks of it on the same line with Tibur, whence it is naturally supposed to have stood in the vicinity of that place. Pliny (3,5) enumerates. Esula among the Latin towns, which no longer existed in his time. Welleius Paterculus (1, 14) calls the place Æsulum, and reckons it among the colonies of Rome. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, 2, 66.) AEsyßtes, a Trojan prince, supposed by some to have been the parent of Antenor and Ucalegon, while others make him to have been descended from a more ancient Ucalegon, who had married Ilios, the daughter of Laomedon. Homer (Il., 13, 427) mentions Alcathous as the son of Æsyetes, and the son-in-law of Anchises, who had given him his eldest daughter Hippodamia in marriage. (Heyne, ad Il., 2, 793.) The tomb of Æsyetes is also to by Homer (Il., 2, 793), and is said by Strabo (599) to have been five stadia distant from Troy, and on the road leading to Alexandrea Troas. It afforded a very convenient post of observation in the Trojan war. Dr. Clarke gives the following account of it (Travels, &c., vol. 3, p. 92, seqq., Eng. ed.): “Coming opposite to the bay, which has been considered as the naval station used by the Greeks during the Trojan war, and which is situate on the eastern side of the embouchure of the Mender, the eye of the spectator is attracted by an object predominating over every other, and admirably adapted, by the singularity of its form, as well as by the peculiarity of its situation, to overlook that station, together with the whole of the low coast near the mouth of the river. This object is a conical mound, rising from a line of elevated territory behind the bay and the mouth of the river. It has, therefore, been pointed out as the tomb of Esyetes, and is now called Udjek Tépe. If we had never heard or read a single syllable concerning the war of Troy, or the works of #. it would have been impossible not to notice the remarkable appearance presented by this tumulus, so peculiarly placed as a post of observation commanding all approach to the harbour and river.” In another part (p. 198), the same intelligent traveller observes : “The tumulus of Æsyetes is, of all others, the spot most remarkably adapted for viewing the Plain of Troy, and it is visible in almost all parts of Troas. From its top may be traced the course of the Scamander; the whole chain of Ida, stretching towards Lectum ; the snowy heights of Gargarus, and all the shores of the Hellespont near the mouth of the river, with Sigeum, and the other tumuli upon the coast.” Bryant endeavours to show, that what the Greeks regarded as the tombs of F. and warriors, were not so in reality, but were, or the most part, connected with old religious rites and customs, and used for religious purposes. (Mythology, vol. 2, so 167, seqq.) Lechevalier, however, ute
AEThalides, a son of Mercury, and herald of the Ar
nauts, who obtained from his father the privilege of
ing among the dead and the living at stated times. Hence he was called étepfuspoo kispus, from his spending one day in Hades, ...si. next upon earth, alternately. It is said also that his soul underwent various transmigrations, and that he appeared successively as Euphorbus, son of Panthus, Pyrus the Cretan, an Elean whose name is not known, and Pythagoras. (Schol., ad loc.)
ALTHER (Altop), a personified idea of the mythica, cosmogonies. (Wid. Supplement.) AEthicks, a Thessalian tribe of uncertain but ancient origin, since they are mentioned by Homer (Il., 2,744), who states that the Centaurs, expelled by Pirithous from Mount Pelion, withdrew to the AEthices. Strabo (327 and 434) says, that they inhabited the Thessalian side of Pindus, near the sources of the Peneus, but that their possession of the latter was disputed by the Tymphaei, who were contiguous to them on the Epirotic side of the mountain. Marsyas, a writer cited by Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. Althosa), described the AEthices as a most daring race of barbarians, whose sole object was robbery j plunder. Lycophron (r. 802) calls Polysperchon Aigikov Tpóstos. Scarcely any trace of this people remained in the time of Strabo. A.Thicus. Wid. Supplement. 4.Thiopia, an extensive country of Africa, to the south of Egypt, lying along the Sinus Arabicus and Mare Erythraeum, ...; extending also far inland. An idea of its actual limits will best be formed from a view of the gradual progress of Grecian discovery in relation to this region. Althiops (Altoon!) was the expression used by the Greeks for everything which had contracted a dark or swarthy colour from exposure to the heat of the sun (alto, “to burn,” and Čop, “the risage”). The term was applied also to men of a dark complexion, and the early Greeks named all of such a colour. Ethiopes, and their country AEthiopia, wherever situated. It is more than probable that the Greeks obtained their knowledge of the existence of such a race of men frcm the Phoenicians and Egyptians, and that this knowledge, founded originally on mere report, was subsequently confirmed by actual inspection, when the Greek colomists along the shores of Asia Minor, in their commercial intercourse with Sidon and Egypt, beheld there the caravans which had come in frcm Southern Africa. Homer makes express mcntion of the AEthiopians in many parts of his poems, and speaks of two divisions, of them, the Eastern and Western. The explanaticm given by Eustathius and other Greek writers respecting these two classes of men, as described by the poet, cannot be the true one. They make the Nile to have been the dividing line (Eustath., p. 1386, ad Hem., Od., 1, 23); but this is too refined for Homer's geographical acquaintance with the interior of Africa. § the Eastern AFthiopians he means merely the imbrowned natives of Southern Arabia, who brought their wares to Sidon, and who were believed to dwell in the immediate vic nity of the rising sun. The Egyptians were acquainted with another dark-coloured nation, the Libyans. These, although the poet carefully distinguishes their country from É. of the Æthiopians (Od., 4,84), still become, in opposition to the Eastern, the poet's Western AFthiopians, the more especially as it remained unknown how far the latter extended to the west aid south. This idea, originating thus in early antiquity, respecting the existence of two distinct classes of dark. coloured men, gained new strength at a later pericd. In the immense army of Xerxes were to be seen men of a swarthy complexion from the Persian provinces in the vicinity of India, and others again, of similar visage, from the countries lying to the south of Egypt. With the exception of colour, they had nothing in common with . other. Their language, manners, physical make, armour, &c., were entirely different. Notwithstanding this, however, they were both regarded rs AEthiopians. (Compare Herodotus, 7, 69, scqq., and 3, 94, sesq.) The AEthiopians of the farther east disappeared gradually from remembrance, while a more intimate intercourse with Egypt brought the AEthiopians of Africa more frequently into view, and it is to these, therefore, that we now turn our attention.—AFthiopia, according to Herodotus, includes the countries above Egypt, the present Nubia and Abyssinia. Immediately above Syene and Elephantine, remarks this writer t2,29), the 12thiopian race begins. As far as the town and island of Tachompso, seventy or eighty miles above Syene, these are mixed with Egyptians, and higher up lwell AEthiopians alone. The AEthiopians he distinfo. into the inhabitants of Meroë and the Macrobii.
n Strabo (800) and Pliny (6.29) we find other tribes and towns referred to, but the most careful division is that by Agatharchides, whose work on the Red Sea is unfortunately lost, with the exception of some fragments. Agatharchides divides them according to their way of life. Some carried on agriculture, cultivating the mil13t; others were herdsmen; while some lived by the chase and on vegetables, and others, again, along the sea-shore, on fish and marine animals. The rude tribes who lived on the coast and fed on fish are called by Agatharchides the Ichthyophigi. Along both banks of the Astaboras dwelt another nation, who lived on the roots of reeds growing in the neighbouring swamps : these roots they cut to pieces with stones, formed them into a tenacious mass, and dried them in the sun. Close to these dwelt the Hylophagi, who lived on the fruits of trees, vegetables growing in the valleys, &c. To the west of these were the hunting nations, who fed on wild beasts, which they killed with the arrow. There were also other tribes, who lived on the flesh of the elephant and the ostrich, the Elephantophagi and Struthophigi. Besides these, he mentions another and less populous tribe, who fed on locusts, which came in swarms from the southern and unknown districts. (Agatharch, de Ruhr. Mar—Geograph. Gr. Mon., ed. I Hudson, vol. 1, p. 37, scqq.). The accuracy with which Agatharchides has pointed out the situation of these tribes, does not occasion much difficulty in assimilating them to the modern inhabitants of Ethiopia. According to him, they dwelt along the banks of the Astaboras, which separated them from Meroë ; this river is the Atbar, or, as it is also called, the Tacacce; they must, consequently, have dwelt in the present Shangalla. The mode of life with these people has not in the least varied for 2000 years; although cultivated nations are situate around them, they have made no progress in improvement themselves. Their land be. ing unfavourable both to agriculture and the rearing of eattle, they are compelled to remain mere hunters. Most of the different tribes mentioned by Agatharchides subsist in a similar manner. The %. the most powerful tribe among the Shangallas, still live on the elephant and the rhinoceros. The Baasa, in the plains of Sire, yet eat the flesh of the lion, the wild hog, and even serpents: and farther to the west dwells a tribe, who subsist in the summer on the locust, and at otherseasons on the crocodile, hippopotamus, and fish. Diodorus Siculus (3,28) remarks, that almost all these people die of verminous diseases produced by this food; and Bruce (Travels, 3d ed., vol. 5, p. 83) makes the same observation with respect to the Walto, on the Lake Dambea, who live on crocodiles and other Nile animals. Besides these inhabitants of the plains, AEthiopia was peopled by a more powerful, and somewhat more civilized, shepherd-nation, who dwelt in the caves of the neighbouring mountains, namely, the Troglodyta. A chain of high mountains runs along the African shore of the Arabian Gulf, which in Egypt are composed of granite, marble, and alabaster, but farther south of a softer kind of stone. At the foot of the gulf these mountains turn inward, and bound the southern portion of Abyssinia. This chain was, in the most ancient times, inhabited by these Troglodyta, in the holes and grottoes formed by nature but enlarged by human labour. These people were not hunters; they were herdsmen, and had their chiefs or princes of the race. Remains of the Troglodyta still exist in the Shipo, Hazorta, &c., mentioned by Bruce (vol. 4, p. 266). A still more celebrated AEthiopian nation, and one which has been particularly described to us by Herodotus (3, oil) was the Macrobii, for an account of
deities of Olympus, at stated seasons, enjoyed among
them the festive hospitality of the banquet, would seem to have arisen from the peculiar relation in which Meroe stood to the adjacent countries as the parent city of civilization and religion. Piety and rectitude were the first virtues with a nation whose dominion was founded on religion and commerce, not on oppression. The active imagination, however, of the early Greeks, gave a different turn to this feature in the Ethiopian character, and, losing sight of the true cause, or, perhaps, never having been acquainted with it, they supposed that a race of men, who could endure such intense heat as they were thought to encounter, must be a nobler order of beings than the human family in gen: eral ; and that they who dwelt so near the rising and setting of the orb of day, could not but be in closer union than the rest of their species with the inhabitants of the skies. (Compare Mannert, 10, 103.)—The Ethiopians were intimately connected with the Egyptians in the early ages of their monarchy, and Ethiopian princes, and whole dynasties, occupied the throne of the Pharaohs at various times, even to a late period before the Persian conquest. The AEthiopians had the same religion, the same sacerdotal order, the same hieroglyphic writing, the same rites of sepulture and ceremonies as the Egyptians. Religious pomps and processions were celebrated in common between the two nations. The images of the gods were at certain times conveyed up the Nile, from their Egyptian temples to others in Ethiopia; and, after the conclusion of a festival, were brought back again into Egypt. (Diod. Sc., 1, 33–Eustath. ad Îl., 1,423.) The ruins of temples found of late in the countries above Egypt (rid. Meroë), and which are quite in the Egyptian style, confirm these accounts; they were, doubtless, the temples of the ancient Ethiopians. It is nowhere asserted that the Ethiopians and Egyptians used the same language, but this seems to be implied, and is extremely probable. We learn from Diodorus, that the AEthiopians claimed the first invention of the arts and philosophy of Egypt, and even pretended to have planted the first colonies of Egypt, soon after that country had emerged from the waters of the Nile, or rather of the Mediterranean, by which it was traditionally reported to have been covered. The o: in later times, had political relations with the Ptolemies, and Diodorus saw ambassadors of this nation in Egypt in the time of Caesar, or Augustus. An AEthiopian queen, named Candace, made a treaty with Augustus, and a princess of the same name is mentioned by St. Luke in the Acts of the Apostles. How far the iono, of the Ethiopian princes extended is unknown, but they probably had at one period possessions on the coast of the Red Sea, and relations with Arabia. After this we find no farther mention of the ancient AFthiopian empire. Other names occur in the countries intervening between Egypt and Abyssinia; and when the term. Ethiopian is again met with in a later age, it is found to have been transferred to the princes and people of Habesh. Such is the history of Æthiopia among the profane writers. By the Hebrews the same people are mentioned frequently under the name of Cush, which by the Septuagint translators is always rendered Aitoforec, or AEthiopians. The Hebrew term is, however, applied sometimes to nations dwelling on the eastern shore of the Red Sea, and hence a degree of ambiguity respecting its meaning in some instances. This subject has been amply discussed by Bochart and Michaelis. Among the Hebrews of later times, the term Cush clearly belongs to the AEthiopians. The AEthiopians, who were connected with the Egyptians by affinity and intimate political relations, are by the later Hebrew historians termed Cush. Thus Tizhakah, the Cushite invader of Judah, is evidently Tearchon the AEthiopian leader mentioned by Strabo, and the same who is termed Tarakos, and is set down by Manetho, in the wellknown tables of dynasties, as an AEthiopian king of Egypt. In the earlier ages the term Cush belonged apparently to the same nation or race; though it would appear that the Cush or Æthiopians of those times occupied both sides of the Red Sea. The Cush mentioned by Moses are pointed out by him to be a nation of kindred origin with the Egyptians. In the Toldoth Beni Noach, or Archives of the sons of Noah, which Michaelis (Spicileg. Geogr. Hebr. Ext.) has proved to contain a digest of the historical and geographical knowledge of the ancient world, it is said, that the Cush and the Misraim were brothers, which means, as it is
enerally allowed, nations nearly allied by kindred.
t is very probable that the first people who settled in Arabia were Cushite nations, who were afterward expelled or succeeded by the Beni Yoktan or true Arabs. In the enumeration of the descendants of Cush in the Toldoth Beni Noach, several tribes or settlements are mentioned in Arabia, as Saba and Havila. When the author afterward proceeds to the descendants of Yoktan, the very same places are enumerated among their settlements. That the Cush had in remote times possessions in Asia, is evident from the history of Nimrod, a Cushite chieftain, who is said to have possessed several cities of the Assyrians, among which was Babel, or Babylon, in Shinar. Long after their departure the name of the Cush remained behind them on the coast of the Red Sea. It is probable that the name of Cush continued to be given to tribes which had succeeded the genuine Cushites in the possession of their ancient territories in Arabia, after the whole of that people had passed into Africa, just as the English are termed Britons, and the Dutch race of modern times Belgians. In this way it happened, that people, remote in race from the family of Ham, are yet named Cush, as the Midianites, who were descended from Abraham. The daughter of Jethro, the Midianite, is termed a Cushite woman. Even in this instance, the correspondence of Cush and Æthiopia has been preserved. We find the word rendered Æthwopissa by the Septuagint translators, and in the verses of Ezekiel, the Jewish Hellenistic poet, Jethro is placed in Africa, and his people are termed AEthiopians. On the whole, it may be considered as clearly established, that the Cush are the genuine AEthiopian race, and that the country of the Cush is generally in Scripture that part of Africa which lies above Egypt. In support of these positions may be cited, not only the authority of the Septuagint, and the writers already mentioned, but the concurring testimony of the Vulgate, and all other ancient versions, with that of Philo, Josephus, Eupolemus, and all the Jewish commentators and Christian fathers. There is only one writer of antiquity on the other side, and he was probably misled by the facts which we have already considered. This single dissentient is the writer of Jonathan's Targum, and on this authority the learned Bochart, supported by some doubtful passages, maintains that the land of Cush was situated on the eastern side of the Arabian Gulf It has been satisfactorily shown, however, by the authors of the Universal History, and by Michaelis, that many of these passages require a different version, and prove that the land of Cush was Æthiopia. (Prichard's Physical History of Man, 2d ed., vol. 1, p. 289, seqq.)—As regards the physical character of the ancient AEthiopians, it may be remarked that the Greeks commonly used the term AEthiopian nearly as we use that of negro: they constantly spoke of the AEthiopians, as
people known in the world. “To wash the AEthiopian white,” was a proverbial expression applied to a hopeless attempt. It may be thought that the term AEthiopian was perhaps used vaguely, to signify all or many Af. rican nations of dark colour, and that the genuine AEthiopians may not have been quite so black as others But it must be observed, that though other black nations may be called by that name when taken in a wider sense, this can only have happened in consequence of their resemblance to those from whom the term originated. It is improbable that the AEthiopians were destitute of a particular character, the possession of which was the very reason why other nations participated in their name, and came to be confounded with them. And the most accurate writers, as Strabo, for example, apply the term AEthiopian in the same way. Strabo, in the 15th book (686), cites the opinion of Theodectes, who attributed to the vicinity of the sun the black colour and woolly hair of the AEthiopians. Herodotus expressly affirms (7,70), that the AEthiopians of the west, that is, of Africa, have the most woolly . hair of all nations: in this respect, he says, they differed from the Indians and Eastern AEthiopians, who were likewise black, but had straight hair. Moreover, the Hebrews, who, in consequence of their intercourse with Egypt under the Pharaohs, could not fail to know the proper application of the national term Cush, seem to have had a proverbial expression similar to that of the Greeks, “Can the Cush change his colour, or the leopard his spots” (Jeremiah, 13, 23.) This is sufficient to prove, that the AEthiopian was the darkest race of people known to the Greeks, and, in earlier times, to the Hebrews. The only way of avoiding the inference, that the AEthiopians were genuine negroes, must be by the supposition, that the ancients, among whom the foregoing expressions were current, were not acquainted with any people exactly resembling the people of Guinea, and therefore applied the terms woolly-haired, flat-nosed, &c., to nations who had these characters in a much less degree than those people whom we now term negroes. It seems possible, that the people termed Æthiopians by the Greeks, and Cush by the Hebrew writers, may either of them have been of the race of the Shangalla, Shiiluk, or other negro tribes, who now inhabit the countries bordering on the Nile, to the southward of Sennaar; or they may have been the ancestors of the present Nouba or Barabra, or of people resembling them in description. The chief obstacle to our adopting the supposition that these AEthiopians were of the Shangalla race or of any stock resembling them, is the circumstance that so near a connexion appears to have subsisted between the former and the Egyptians; and we know that the Egyptians were not genuine negroes. Perhaps, after all, however, we would be more correct in considering the Bedjas, and their descendants the Abadbé and Bisharein, as the posterity of the ancient AEthiopians. Both the Abadbé and Bisharein belong to the class of red, or copper-coloured people. The former are described by Belzoni (Travels, p. 310), and the latter by Burckhardt (Travels in Nubia). AEThlius. Vid. Supplement. AEThra, daughter of Pittheus, king of Troezene, and mother of Theseus by AEgeus. (Vid. AEgeus.) She was betrothed, in the first instance, to Bellerophon; but this individual being compelled to fly, in consequence of having accidentally killed his brother, Æthra remained j father's roof. When Ægeus came to consult Pittheus respecting an obscure oracle which the former had received from the Delphic shrine, Pittheus managed to intoxicate him, and give him the company of his daughter. From this intercourse sprang Theseus. (Wid. AEgeus.) AEthra was afterward taken captive by Castor and Pollux, when these two came in quest of Helen, whom Theseus had carried off, and nied Helen to Troy when the latter was abducted by Paris, and, on the fall of Troy, she was restored to her home by Acamas and Demophoon, her grandsons, and the sons of Theseus. (Apollod., 3, 15, 4.—Id., 3, 10, 7–Heyne, ad Apollod., l.c.) Aetion, I. a famous painter, who lived in the time of Alexander the Great. He executed a painting of the nuptials of Alexander and Roxana; and the piece was so much admired at the Olympic Games, whither the artist had carried it for exhibition, that the president of the games gave him his daughter in marriage. Such is Lucian's account (Her., 5), who saw this painting in Italy. In another passage, likewise, he refers to this production of Aëtion's, and bestows the highest praises on the lips of Roxana. (Imag., 7.) Raphael is said to have traced, from Lucian's descrip
tion of this work of art, one of his most brilliant compositions.—II. A sculptor, who flourished about the
middle of the third century before the Christian era, ind who is known from Theocritus (Epigr., 7). At “the request of Nicias, then a celebrated physician at Miletus, he made a statue of Æsculapius out of cedar. (As regards the reading 'Aertovt, for the common 'Hertovi, consult Kiessling, ad loc.) — III. An engraver on precious stones, whose age is uncertain. (Bracci, 18–Sillig, Duct. Art., s. v.) AEtius, I. an heresiarch of the fourth century, surnamed by his adversaries the Atheist. He was the son of a common soldier, and born at Antioch. His
É. compelling him to live by the labour of his
ands, he commenced by being a vine-dresser, and was afterward, in succession, a coppersmith and jeweller. Being forced to abandon this latter calling, for having substituted a bracelet of gilt copper for one of gold, he followed the trade of an empiric, or charlatan, with some success, but was at last driven from Antioch, and went to study logic at Alexandrea. As he never attained any great skill in this latter science, and was, at the same time, but little versed in the sacred writings, he easily fell into the new religious errors of the day, to which he added many others of his own. Epiphanius has preserved forty-seven erroneous propositions, selected from his works, which contained more than three hundred. The principal ones consisted in teaching, that the Son of God was not like the Father; in pretending to know God by himself; in regarding the most culpable actions as the wants of nature; in rejecting the authority of the prophets and apostles; in rebaptizing in the name of the uncreated God, and of the Holy Spirit procreated by the created Son; i., asserting that faith is sufficient without works, &c. His other errors were nothing more than mere sophisms founded on verbal equivocations. He was ordained deacon by Leontius, an Arian bishop, who was soon compelled to forbid him the exercise of his ministerial functions. After a succession of stormy conflicts, he was exiled by Constantius to Cilicia. Julian recalled him, and assigned him lands near Mytilene, in the island of Lesbos. He was even ordained bishop ; and, having escaped punishment, which he was afterward on the point of undergoing for his attachment to the cause of the Emperor Valens, he died at Constantinople A.D. 366, and was honoured with a splendid funeral. (S. Athanas... de Synod—Socrat, Hist. Eccles., 1, 28.-August. Harr.—Baron., Annal. Ann., 356.)—II. A celebrated Roman general, born at Dorostolus, in Moesia. His father-Gaudentius, a Scythian, attained to the highest military employments, and was killed in Gaul during a mutiny of the soldiers. Aëtius, brought up among the imperial body-guards, and given at an early period as a hostage to the formidable Alaric, learned the art of war under this conqueror, and profited by his stay among the barbarians to secure the attachment of a people whom he was destined to have alternately as enemies and allies. In A.D.424, the usurper John wishing to seize the sceptre of the west,
Aëtius undertook to procure for him the assistance of the Huns. John, however, was conquered, and Aëtius immediately submitted to Valentinian, who reigned in the west under the guardianship of his mother Placidia. Eagerly desirous of the imperial favours, and jealous of the credit of Count Boniface, Aëtius formed a treacherous scheme against him, the result of which was the revolt of Boniface, who invited Genseric and the Vandals into Africa. A subsequent explanation between Boniface and Placidia came too late to save Africa, but it served to expose the intrigues of Aëtius, who at this time was crushing the Franks and Burgundians in Gaul. Placidia i. not dare to punish him, but she bestowed new honours upon Boniface. Rendered furious by this, Aëtius flew back to Italy with a few troops, encountered and gave battle to his rival, was conquered, but with his own hand wounded Boniface, who died shortly aster, A.D. 432. Placidia was desirous of avenging his death, but Aetius retired among the Huns, and reappeared subsequently at the head of sixty thousand barbarians to demand his pardon. Placidia restored to him his charges and honours, and Aëtius returned to Gaul to serve the empire, which he defended with great valour as long as his own ambitious views permitted this to be done. His most brilliant feat in this quarter was the overthrow of Attila, who had crossed the Rhine and Seine with his Huns, and laid siege to Orleans. Aëtius marched against him with a powerful army, and met his adversary, who had raised the siege of Orleans and recrossed the Seine, in the Catalaunian plains, near the modern Châlons. The contest was bloody but decisive, and three hundred thousand men sell on both sides. Notwithstanding, however, this brilliant achievement, Aetius, in his turn, became the victim of court intrigue, and being sent for by Valentinian, and having approached him without distrust, was on a sudden stabbed to the heart by that suspicious and cowardly emperor. His death happened A.D. 454. (Procop., de Reb. Goth., 5.-Jormandes, de Regn. Success., c. 19.—Paul Diacon., Hist. Miscell., 19, 16.—Biographie Universelle, vol. 1, p. 267.)—III. A physician of Amida, in Mesopotamia, who flourished at the close of the fifth century and the beginning of the sixth. The works of Aëtius are a valuable collection of medical facts and opinions, being deficient only in arrangement; since on several subjects their merit is transcendent. For example, the principles of the Materia Medica are delivered with admirable precision in the beginning of the first book. Of all the ancient treatises on fever, that contained in the fifth book of Aetius may be instanced as being the most complete; and it would not be easy perhaps, at the present day, to point out a work so full on all points, and so correct in practice. Of contagion, as an exciting cause of fever, he makes no mention; and as his silence, and that of the other medical authors of antiquity, has often been thought unaccountable, it may be proper to say a few words in explanation. Palladius, who has given a most comprehensive abstract of the doctrines of Galen and his successors on the subject of fever, emumerates the following exciting causes of fevers: 1st. The application of a suitable material; as when things of a caleficient nature, such as pepper, mustard, and the like, are taken immoderately by a person of a hot temperament: 2d. Motion; which may be either mental or corporeal; 3d. Constriction of the pores of the skin, occasioned either by the thickness of the humours, or the coldness and dryness of the surrounding atmosphere (this, by-the-by, accords with Dr. Cullen's Theory of spasm of the extreme vessels): 4th. Putrefaction of the fluids: 5th. The application of heat, such as by exposure of the head to the sun.— Epidemical fevers the ancients considered as being occasioned by a depraved state of the atmosphere, arising from putrid masmata, or similar causes. With. out doubt, in cases of malignant fevers, they were aware that the effluvia from the bodies of those afflicted with them contaminated the surrounding atmosphere, and that the fevers were propagated in this manner. Hence Galen, Caelius Aurelianus, Rhazes, and Avicenna, rank the plague among those complaints which pass from one person to another; and Isidorus defines the plague thus: “Pestilentia est contagum, quod, dum unum apprehenderit, celeriter ad plures transit.” At the same time, as they did not ascribe the origin and propagation of these disorders to a peculiar virus, they did not think it necessary to treat of contagion as a distinct cause of sever, because, in this view of the matter, it is clearly referrible to some one of the general causes enumerated above. Thus, the atmosphere of the ill-ventilated apartment of a patient in fever becoming vitiated, and being inhaled by a person in health, might occasion fever, either by producing constriction of the pores of the skin, or putrefaction of the fluids, and accordingly would be referred either to the 3d or the 4th class of general causes. In a word, the opinions of the ancients upon this subject seem to have corresponded very much with those of the more reasonable Macleanites of the present day, who, although they deny that fever, strictly speaking, is contagious, admit that it is contaminative.—Aetius is the first medical author who has given a distinct account of the Dracunculus, or Vermis Medinensis, now commonly known by the name of Guinea-worm. He treats of this disease so fully, that Rhazes and Avicenna have supplied but little additional information, nor have the moderns, in any considerable degree, improved upon the knowledge of the ancients. The method of treating Aneurism at the elbow-joint is deserving of attention, as being a near approximation to the improved method of operating introduced by John Hunter and Abernethy. He directs the operator to make a longitudinal incision along the inner side of the arm, three or four fingers' breadth below the armpit, and having laid bare the artery, and dissected it from the surrounding parts, to raise it up with a blind hook, and, introducing two threads, to tie them separately and divide the artery in the middle. Had he stopped here, his method would have been a complete anticipation of the plan of proceeding now practised; but, unfortunately, not having sufficient confidence in the absorbing powers of the system, he gives directions to open the tumour and evacuate its contents. Many nice operations upon the eye and surrounding parts are accurately described by him.—On the obstetrical department of surgery he is fuller than any other ancient writer.—He . also given an account of many pharmaceutical operations which are not noticed elsewhere. The work of Aëtius, divided by the copyists into four Tetrabubli, and each Tetrabublus into four discourses, consisted originally of sixteen books. The first eight only were printed in Greek at Venice, by the heirs of Aldus Manutius, fol., 1534. The others have remained in MS., in the libraries of Vienna and Paris. Various editions have been published of the Latin translation of the entire work by Janus Cornarius, under the title of Contractae er reternbus Medicinae tetrabiblis, at Venice, 1543, in 8vo; at Basle, 1542, 1549, in fol. ; another at Basle, 1535, fol., of which the first seven and the last three books were translated by Montanus; two at Lyons, 1549, foll, and 1560, 4 vols. 12mo, with notes of but little value, by Hugo de Soleriis; and one at Paris, 1567, fol., among the Medica: Artis Principes.—IV. Sicanus, or Siculus, a physician, and native of Sicily, as is commonly supposed, to whom is ascribed a treatise on Melancholy. The truth is, however, that the treatise in question is nothing more than a selection from the second discourse of the second Tetrabiblus of Aëtius of Amida; so that Aëtius the Sicilian becomes a mere nonentity.
AETNA, I. a celebrated volcano of Sicily, now Etna or Monte Gibello (shortened into Mongibello), the latter of these modern appellations being adopted from the Arabic Gubel, “a mountain,” given to AEtna on account of its vast size, and recalling the remembrance of the Arabian conquests in Sicily. (Compare the Map of Southern Italy and Sicily, accompanying the “Histoire des Conquétes des Normands,” by D'Arc, where the Arabic names are given.) This volcano, so immense in size, that Vesuvius, in comparison, seems merely a hill, rises on the eastern side of Sicily. It is 180 miles in circumference at the base, and attains by a gradual ascent to the height of 10,954 feet above the level of the sea. From Catana (the ancient Ca. tana), which stands at the foot, to the summit, is 30 miles, and the traveller passes through three distinct zones, called the cultivated, the woody, and the desert. The lowest, or cultivated zone, extends through an interval of ascent of 16 miles, and it contains numerous small mountains of a conical form, about 300 or 400 feet high, each having a crater at the top, from which the lava flows over the surrounding country. The fertility of this region is wonderful, and its fruits are the finest in the island. The woody region forms a zone of the brightest green all around the mountain, and reaches up the side about eight miles. In the desert region vegetation entirely disappears, and the surface presents a dreary expanse of snow and ice. The summit of the mountain consists of a conical hill, containing a crater above two miles in circumference. —The silence of Homer respecting the fires of AEtna has given rise to the opinion, that the mountain in his time was in the same state of repose as Vesuvius in the days of Strabo. The earliest writers who make mention of AEtna, and its eruptions, are the author of the Orphic poems (Argonaut., v. 12), and more particularly Pindar (Pyth., 1, 21, seqq., ed. Boeckh. Compare Aulus Gellius, 17, 10), whose description, in its fearful sublimity, bears with it all the marks of truth, and points evidently to some accurate accounts of the volcano, as received by the bard, perhaps from King Hiero. Thucydides (3, 116) is next in order. He speaks of the stream of lava, which, in his time (Ol. 88, 3, B.C. 426), desolated the territory of Catana; he asserts, o before, a similar flow of lava had taken place, and, without any farther chronological reference, makes mention also of a third. These were the only three eruptions with which the Greeks had become acquainted since their settlement in Sicily. That Ætna, however, had, at a much earlier period, given proof of its volcanic character, is evident from the narrative of Diodorus Siculus (5, 6), where we are informed, that the Sicani were compelled to retire to the western parts of the island, by reason of the devastation and terror which th9 fiery eruptions from the mountain had occasioned. The account which Strabo gives (274) of the state of thing: on the summit of Ætna, accords pretty accurately with the narratives of modern travellers. The geographer informs us, that those who had lately ascended the mountain found on the top a crater, or, as he teams it, a level plain (trečíov ćuaŻóv), about twenty stadia in circumference, enclosed by a bank of cinders having the height of a wall. In the middle of the plain was a hill of an ashy colour, like the surface of the plain. Over the hill a column of smoke hung suspended, extending about two hundred feet in height. . Two of the party from whom Strabo received his information undertook to descend the banks and enter upon the plain, but the hot and deep sand soon compelled them to retrace their steps. The geographer, after thic statement, then proceeds to contradict the common story respecting the fate of Empedocles, the party assuring him that the crater, or opening into the bowels of the mountain, could neither be seen nor approached. —The whole number of eruptions on ol.