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aries on Scripture, epistles on a great variety of subjects, doctrinal, moral, and personal; sermons, and homilies; treatises on various points of discipline; and elaborate arguments against heretics. With the exception of those of Aristotle, no writings contributed more than Augustine's to encourage the spirit of subtle disputation which distinguished the scholastic ages. They exhibit much facility of invention and strength of reasoning, with more argument than eloquence, and more wit than learning. Erasmus calls Augustine a writer of obscure subtlety, who requires in the reader acute penetration, close attention, and quick recollection, and by no means repays him for the application of all these requisites. His works are now almost wholly neglected. (Encyclop. Americ, vol. 1, p. 468.) —Among the sources of information in modern times respecting the life and productions of St. Augustine, the following may be mentioned: Ceillier, Hist. General. des Aut. Eccles. (Paris, 1744, 4to), vols. 11 and 12–Tillemont, Memoires, &c., vol. 13.—Wit. August. Vaillant, et Du Frische: ed. Op. Benedict., vol. 11– Act. Sanct. Mens. Aug., vol. 6, p. 213, seqq.—L. Berti, de rebus gestus S. August. (Venet., 1746, 4to).-Rosler, Bibl. der Kirchenval., vol. 9, p. 257–Fabricius, Bibl. Lat., vol. 3, p. 519, seqq.—Schröckh, Kircheng., vol. 15, p. 219, seqq.—Biogr. Univ., vol. 3, p. 54, seqq —Wiggers, Versuch. ciner pragmat. Darstellung des August, und Pelagianismus (Hamburg, 1822, 8vo), vol. 1, p. 7, seqq. Augustülus (Romulus Momyllus, surnamed Augustus, or, in derision, Augustulus), the last Roman emperor of the West. He was the son of Orestes, a patrician and commander of the Roman forces in Gaul. Augustulus was crowned by his father A.D. 475; but was dethroned the next year by Odoacer, king of the Heruli, who put Orestes to death, and banished the young monarch to Campania, allowing him at the same time a revenue for his support. The true name of this emperor was Augustus, but the Romans of his time gave him, in derision, the appellation of Augustulus (The Little Augustus), which has become the historical name of this feeble sovereign. His father Orestes was the actual emperor, and the son a mere puppet in his hands. (Cassiod, et Marcell. in Chron.—Jornandes.—Procopus.) Augustus (CAIU's Octavius C. Es AR Augustus), originally called Caius Octavius, was the son of Caius Octavius, and of Attia daughter of Julia the sister of Julius Caesar. The family of the Octavii were originally from Velitra, a city of the Volsci. The branch from which Augustus sprung was rich, and of equestrian rank. His father was the first of the name that obtained the title of senator, but died when his son was only four years old. The mother of the young Octavius soon after married L. Philippus, under whose care he was brought up, until his great uncle Julius Caesar, having no children, began to regard him as his heir (Well. Paterc., 2,85), and when he was between sixteen and seventeen years of age, bestowed upon him some military rewards at the celebration of his triumph for his victories in Africa. (Suet, Aug., 8.) In the following year he accompanied his uncle into Spain, where he is said to have given indications of talent and activity; and in the winter of that same year he was sent to Apollonia in Epirus, there to employ himself in completing his education, till Caesar should be ready to take him with him on his expedition against the Parthians. He was accordingly living quietly at Apollonia when the news of his uncle's death called him forth, though he was then hardly more than eighteen years of age, to act a principal part in the contentions of the times. On Caesar's death being known, M. Vipsanius Agrippa and Q. Sabidienus Rufus, who are here first spoken of as his friends (Well. Paterc., 2,85), advised him to

embrace o offers which many of the centurions and 38

soldiers made him, of assisting him to revenge his uncle's murder. But, as he was not yet aware of the strength of that party which he would find opposed to him, he judged it expedient to return to Italy, in the first instance, in a private manner. On his arrival at Brundisium, he learned the particulars of Caesar's death, and was informed also of the contents of his will, by which he himself was declared his heir and his adopted son. (Dio Cassius, 45, 3.—Well. Paterc., 2, 85.) . He did not hesitate instantly to accept this adoption, and to assume the name of Caesar; and it is said that numerous parties of his uncle's veterans, who had obtained settlements in the districts of Italy through which he passed, came from their homes to meet him, and to assure him of their support. (A

plan, Bell. Cir., 3, 12.) At Rome two parties divided the state, that of the republicans, who had made away with Caesar, and that of Antony and Lepidus, who pretended to avenge his death, but who had, in reality, no other intention but to elevate their authority above that of the laws. The latter of these two parties was in the ascendant when Octavius visited the capital, and the consul Antony exercised an almost absolute control. He received Octavius with great coolness, and declined any co-operation with him. It is even said, that, not content with slighting him as a political associate, Antony endeavoured to obstruct, or, at least, to delay, his adoption into the Julian family, since Octavius could not claim the possession of his uncle's inheritance till he had gone through the forms by which he became Caesar's ii. ed son. (Florus, 4, 4.— Dio Cassius, 45, 5.) On this provocation, Octavius resolved to do himself justice by the most atrocious means; and, although he was only nineteen years of age, he suborned some ruffians to assassinate Antony, the consul of the republic, in his own house. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 12, 23. —Senec., de Clém., 1, 9.) The attempt was discovered in time, but it threw Antony into the utmost perplexity and alarm. As it had not succeeded, a large portion of the people doubted its reality, and believed that the charge had been falsely brought against Octavius, in order to procure his ruin, that Antony might enjoy his property without disturbance. So strong, in fact, was the public feeling, and so unpopular was Antony at this period, that he did not think it advisable to bring his intended assassins to trial. But he trembled at the insecurity of his situation, and determined to employ a stronger military force than the guard with which he had hitherto protected his person, and by which he had overawed the senate and the forum. With this view Antony endeavoured to gain over the veterans of Caesar that were stationed at Brundisium, but the more liberal offers of the young Octavius drew them over to the side of the latter. At length the two competitors for empire had recourse to arms, and Cisalpine Gaul became the theatre of warfare. Decimus Brutus, who held the command of this province, threw himself into Mutina, where Antony besieged him, but the latter was defeated by Octavius and the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, and compelled to retreat towards Transalpine Gaul. All the veteran legions which had been commanded by the late consuls (these leaders had fallen in the battle of Mutina) were now, with one exception, under the orders of Octavius, and neither they nor their general were inclined to obey any longer the authority of the senate. Marching to Rome at the head of his forces, Octavius was now elected consul by open intimidation of the senate and people, and the liberty of the commonwealth was lost for ever. Antony and Lepidus, meanwhile, had united their forces, and recrossed the Alps; and Octavius, now invested with the title of consul, and commanding a numerous army, marched back again towards Cisalpine Gaul, and found the two leaders in the neighbourhood of Mutina. A friendly correspondence had been carried on between the chiefs of the two armies before they were advanced very near to one another; and it was determined that all differences should finally be settled, and the future measures which they were to take in common should be arranged at a personal interview. This interview resulted in the formation of a Triumvirate, or High Commission of three, for settling the affairs of the Commonwealth during five years. (Liv., Epit., lib. 120. — Appian, Lell. Civ., 4, 3.) They divided among themselves those provinces of the empire which were subject to their power, and the triumvirate was cemented by the most dreadful scenes of proscription and murder, during which fell the celebrated Cicero, a victim to the vengeance of Antony, and basely left to his fate uy the heartless Octavius. After the hopes of the republican party had been crushed at Philippi, Antony, in an evil hour for himself, turned his back upon Italy, and left the immediate government of the capital in the hands of his associate. On returning to Rome, Octavius satisfied the cupidity of his soldiers by the division of the finest lands in the Italian peninsula. This division gave rise to the most violent disturbance. In the midst of the stormy scenes that now convulsed Italy, Octavius was obliged to contend with Fulvia, whose daughter Clodia he had rejected, and with Lucius, the brother-in-law of Antony. After several battles, Lucius threw himself into the city of Perusia, where he was soon after obliged to surrender. The city was given up to be plundered, and 300 senators were condemned to death, as a propitiatory sacrifice to the manes of the deified Caesar. After the return of Antony an end was put to the proscriptions, and such of the proscribed persons as had escaped death by flight, and whom Octavius no longer feared, were allowed to return. There were still some disturbances in Gaul, and the naval war with Sextus Pompeius continued for several years. After his return from Gaul, Octavius married the famous Livia, the wife of Claudius Nero, whom he compelled to resign her, after he himself had divorced his third wife Scribonia. Lepidus, who had hitherto retained an appearance of power, was now deprived of his authority, and died as a private man B.C. 13. Antony and Octavius then divided the empire. But while the former, in the East, gave himself up to a life of luxury, the young Octavius pursued his plan of making himself sole master of the Roman world. He especially strove to obtain the affections of the people. A firm government was established; the system of audacious robbery, which the distresses of the times had long fostered at Rome and throughout Italy, was speedily and effectually suppressed. He showed mildness and a degree of magnanimity, if it could be so called, without the appearance of striving after the highest power, and even declared himself ready to lay down his power when Antony should return from his war against the Parthians. He appeared rather to permit than to wish himself to be appointed perpetual tribune, an office which virtually invested him with sovereign authority. The more he advanced in the affections of the people, the more openly did he declare himself against Antony. Meanwhile the latter had excited a strong feeling of disgust not only among the Romans at home, but even among his own officers, by his shameful abandonment to the celebrated Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt. His divorcing himself from Octavia, the sister of his colleague in the triumvirate, seemed like dishonouring a noble Roman lady in order to gratify the jealousy of a barbarian paramour; and an act of baseness on the part of Octavius himself completed the blow. Having got possession of Antony's will, he broke open the seals, and read the contents of it publicly, first to the senate, and afterward to the assembly of the people. The clause in it which especially induced ğı. to commit

this act, was one in which Antony desired that his body might, after death, be carried to Alexandrea, and there buried by the side of Cleopatra. This proof of his romantic attachment for a foreigner seemed, in the eyes of the Romans, to attest his utter degeneracy, and induced the populace, at least, to credit the inventions of his enemies, who asserted that it was his intention, if victorious in the contest that now appeared inevitable, to give up Rome to the dominion of Cleopatra, and transfer the seat of empire from the banks of tho Tiber to those of the Nile. It is clear, from the language of those poets who wrote under the patronage of Augustus, that this was the light in which the war was industriously represented; that every effort was made to give it the character of a contest with a foreign enemy; and to array on the side of Octavius the national pride and jealousy of the people of Rome. (Hor., Od., 1, 37, 5, seqq. Virg., AEn., 8,678, 685, 698.) Availing himself of this feeling, Octavius declared war against the Queen of Egypt, and led a considerable force by both sea and land to the Ambracian Gulf, where Agrippa gained the naval victory of Actium, which made Octavius master of the Koman world. He pursued his rival to Egypt, and ended the war after he had rejected the proposal of Antony to decide their differences by a personal combat. Cleopatra and Antony killed themselves. Octavius caused them to be splendidly buried. A son of Antony and Cleopatra was sacrificed to ensure the safety of the conqueror; and Caesarion, a son of Caesar and Cleopatra, shared the same fate. All the other relations of Antony remained uninjured, and Octavius, on the whole, used his power with moderation. After having spent two years in the East, in order to arrange the affairs of Egypt, Greece, Syria, Asia Minor, and the islands, he celebrated, on his return to Rome, a triumph for three days in succession. Freed from his rivals and enemies, and master of the world, he was undecided concerning the way in which he should exercise his power for the future. Agrippa, whose victory had given him universal dominion, counselled him to renounce his authority. Maecenas opposed this; and Octavius followed his advice, or, rather, his own inclinations. In order to make the people willing to look upon him as an unlimited monarch, he abolished the laws of the triumvirate, beautified the city, and exerted himself in correcting the abuses which had prevailed during the civil war. At the end of his seventh consulship he entered the senate-house, and declared his resolution to lay down his power. The senate besought him to retain it; and the farce ended by his yielding to their pressing entreaties, and consenting to continue to govern through them. He now obtained the surname of Augustus, which marked the dignity of his person and rank, and by degrees he united in himself the offices of imperator, or commander-in-chief by sea and land, with power to make war and peace; of proconsul over all the provinces; of perpetual tribune of the people, which rendered his person inviolable, and gave him the power of interrupting public proceedings; and, in fine, of censor (magister morum) and pontifex maximus, or controller of all things appertaining to public morals and religion. The laws themselves were subject to him, and the observance of them depended on his will. To these dignities we must add the title of “Father of his Country” (Pater Patria). Great as was the power thus given him, he nevertheless exercised it with moderation. It was the spirit of his policy to retain old names and forms, and he steadfastly refused to assume the title of Dictator, which Sylla and Caesar had rendered odious.-Augustus carried on many wars in Africa, Asia, and particularly in Spain, where he triumphed over the Cantabri after a severe struggle. His arms subjected Aquitania, Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Illyria, and held the Dacians, Numidians, and othiopians in check. He concluded a treaty with the Parthians, by which they gave up Armenia, and restored the eagles taken from Crassus and Antony. At the foot of the Alps he erected monuments of his triumphs over the mountaineers, the proud remains of which are yet to be seen at Susa and Aosta. After he had established peace throughout the empire, he closed (for the third time since the foundation of Rome) the temple of Janus (B.C. 10). This universal repose, however, was interrupted, A.D. 9, by the defeat of Varus, who lost three legions in an engagement with the Germans under Arminius, and killed himself in despair. The intelligence of this misfortune greatly agitated Augustus. He let his beard and hair grow, and often cried out, as if in the deepest sorrow, “Oh Varus, give me back my legions !” Meanwhile the Germans were held in check by Tiberius. During the eace, to which we have just referred, Augustus had issued many useful decrees, and abolished many abuses in the government. He gave a new form to the senate, employed himself in improving the manners of the people, promoted marriage, suppressed luxury, introduced discipline into the armies, and, in a word, did everything in his power to subserve the best interests of the state. He adorned Rome in such a manner, that it was truly said by him, “he found it of brick, and left it of marble.” (Sueton., Aug., 29. — Dio Cass., 56, 30.) He also made journeys everywhere, to increase the blessings of peace; he went to Sicily and Greece, Asia Minor, Sicily, Gaul, and other quarters: in several places he founded cities and established colonies. (Well. Paterc., 2, 92.) The people erected altars to him, and by a decree of the senate, the month Sextilis was called by the new appellation of Augustus (August). Two conspiracies, which threatened his life, miscarried. Caepio, Muraena, and Egnatius were punished with death: Cinna was more fortunate, receiving pardon from the emperor. This sorbearance increased the love of the Romans, and diminished the number of the disaffected ; so that the master of Rome would have had nothing to wish for, if his family had been as obedient as the world. The debauchery of his daughter Julia gave him the greatest pain, and he showed himself more severe towards those v.ho destroyed the honour of his family than towards those who had threatened his life. History says, that in his old age he was ruled by Livia, the only person perhaps whom he truly loved. He had no sons, and lost by death his sister's son Marcellus, and his daughter's sons Caius and Lucius, whom he had appointed his successors. Drusus, also, his son-in-law, whom he loved, died early; and Tiberius, the brother of the

latter, whom he hated on account of his bad qualities,

alone survived. These numerous calamities, together with his continually increasing infirmities, gave him a strong desire for repose. He undertook a journey to Campania, from whose purer air he hoped for relief; but disease fixed upon him, and he died at Nola (August 19, A.D. 14), in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and forty-fifth of his reign.—Augustus was in his stature something below the middle size, but extremely well proportioned. (Sueton., Aug., 79.) His hair was a little inclined to curl, and of a yellowish brown; his eyes were bright and lively; but the general expression of his countenance was remarkably calm and mild. His health was throughout his life delicate, yet the constant attention which he paid to it, and his strict temperance in eating and drinking, enabled him to reach the full age of man. As a seducer and adulterer, and a man of low sensuality, his character was as profligate as that of his uncle. (Sueton., Aug., 69, 71.) In his literary qualifications, without at all rivalling the attainments of Caesar, he was on a level with most Romans of distinction of his time; and it is said, that both in speaking and writing, his style was eminent for its perfect plainness and propriety. (Sueton., Aug.,

68, seqq.) His speeches on any public occasion were composed beforehand, and recited from memory; nay, so careful was he not to commit himself by any inconsiderate expression, that, even when discussing any important subject with his own wife, he wrote down what he had to say, and read it before her. Like his uncle, he was strongly tinged with superstition. He was very deficient in military talent; but in every species of artful policy, in clearly seeing, and steadily and dispassionately following his own interest, and in turning to his own advantage all the weaknesses of others, his ability, if so it may be called, has been rarely equalled. His deliberate cruelty, his repeated treachery, and his sacrifice of every duty and every feeling to the purposes of his ambition, speak for themselves; and yet it would be unjust to ascribe to a politic premeditation all the popular actions of his reign. Good is in itself so much more delightful than evil, that he was doubtless not insensible to the pleasure of kind and beneficent actions, and perhaps sincerely rejoiced that they were no longer incompatible with his interests.Among the various arts to which Augustus resorted to beguile the hearts of his people, and perhaps to render them forgetful of their former freedom, one of the most remarkable was the encouragement which he extended to learning, and the patronage he so liberally bestowed on all by whom it was cultivated. To this noble protection of literature he was prompted not less by taste and inclination than sound policy; and in his patronage of the learned, his usual artifice had probably a smaller share than in those other parts of his conduct by which he acquired the favourable opinion of the world. Augustus was, besides, an excellent judge of composition, and a true critic in poetry; so that his patronage was never misplaced, or lavished on those whose writings might rather have tended to corrupt than improve the taste and learning of the age. No writer could hope for patronage except by cultivating a style both chaste and simple, which, if ornamental,

was not luxurious, or, if severe, was not rugged or

antiquated. The court of Augustus thus became a school of urbanity, where men of genius acquired that delicacy of taste, that elevation of sentiment, and that purity of expression, which characterize the writers of the age. To Maecenas, the favourite minister of the emperor, the honour is due of having most successfully followed out the views of his master for promoting the interests of literature; but it is wrong to give Maecenas the credit, as some have done, of first having turned the attention of Augustus to the patronage of literature. On the contrary, he appears merely to have acted from the orders, or to have followed the example, of his imperial master. (Encyclop. Metrop., Div. 3, vol. 2, p. 294, seqq.—Encyclop. Amer., vol. 1, p. 469.-Biogr. Univ., vol. 3, p. 37, scqq. Dunlop's Rom. Lit., vol. 3, p. 10, seqq.)—II. A title which descended from Octavius to his successors. It was purely honorary, and carried with it the idea of respect and veneration rather than of any authority. The feminine form Augusta was often given to the mothers, wives, or sisters of the Roman emperors. Under Dioclesian, when the new constitution was given to the empire, the title of Augustus became more definite, and then began to be applied to the two princes who held sway conjointly, while the appellation of Caesar was given to each of the presumptive heirs of the empire. The term Augustus is derived, not from augeo, but from augur

(Gronov., Thes. Antiq. Gr., vol. 7, p. 462.) Places or buildings consecrated by auguries were originally called augusta; and the name was afterward applied to other things similarly circumstanced. Thus Ennius, as cited by Suetonius (Aug., 7), uses the expression “augusto augurio.” (Compare Fest., p. 43. – Ovid, Fast., 1,607, seq.) Consequently, when the title Augustus is applied to a person, it is cquivalent in meaning to sanctus, sacratus, or sacrosanctus. (Comcorrectly remarks, the term in question contains 3eiów rt, “ something of a divine nature.” The Greeks, moreover, rendered Augustus into their language by Xe6aaróg, which Dio Cassius (l.c.) explains by oetrtóg. (Creuzer, Rom. Antiq., p. 292, seqq.) AviRNus, Flavius, a Latin versifier of Æsopic fables, forty-two in number. The measure adopted by him is the elegiac. According to Cannegieter, one of his editors, Avianus j about 160 A.D. (Henruc. Canneg. de aetate, &c., Flav. Aviani Dissertatio, p. 231, seqq.) This opinion, however, is rendered altogether untenable by the inferior character of the Latinity, which Cannegieter endeavours, though unsuccessfully, to defend. Avianus would seem to have lived in the reign of Theodosius, long after the date assigned by the scholar just mentioned. His work is dedicated to a certain Theodosius, supposed to have been the grammarian Macrobius Theodosius. The fables of Avianus are sometimes erroneously ascribed to Avienus. The best editions of Avianus are that of Cannegieter, Amstelod., 1731, 8vo, and that of Nodell, Amstelod., 1787, 8vo. (Bahr, Gesch. Rom. Lit., vol. 1, p. 317.) AvićNus, Rufus Festus, a Roman poet, whose age and country have both been disputed. St. Jerome speaks of him as of a recent writer (in Epist. ad Titum, v. 12), and we can scarcely, therefore, with Crinitus, place him in the reign of Dioclesian. (Crinit., de poet. Lat., c. 80.) The death of Jerome happened A.D. 420, in his ninety-first year: on the supposition, therefore, that Avienus flourished about the middle of that father's protracted life, we may assign him to about A.D. 370, or the period of Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian. Tradition or conjecture has made him a Spaniard by birth; but this opinion is unsupported by written testimony, and even contradicted, if the inscription found in the Caesarian Villa refer to this poet, which there seems small reason to doubt. From this we learn that he was the son of Musonius Avienus, or the son of Avienus and descendant of Musonius, accordingly as we punctuate the first line (“Festus Musoni soboles prolesque Avieni”); that he was born at Vulsinii in Etruria; that he resided at Rome; that he was twice proconsul, and the author of many poetical pieces. The same inscription contradicts the notion, too precipitately grounded on some vague expressions in his writings, that he was a Christian; for it is no*::::: than a religious address to the goddess Nortia, the Fortune of the Etrurians. The extant and acknowledged works of this poet are versions of the batváueva of Aratus, and the IIeptifymatc of Dionysius; and a portion of a poem “De Ora Maritima,” which includes, with some *. the coast between Cadiz and Marseilles. The other poems generally believed to be the work of Avienus are, an Epistle to Flavianus Myrmecius, an elegiac piece “de Cantu Sirenum,” and some verses ressed to the author's friends from the country. A poem “de urbibus Hispania Mediterraneis,” is cited by some Spanish writers as the production of Avienus (Nicolaus Antonius, Bibl. Vet. }. 2, 9), but it is generally supposed to be the forgery of a Jesuit of Toledo. Servius (ad Virg., Æn., 10,272—388) ascribes to Avienus iambic versions of the narrative of Virgil and the history of Livy; which observation of the grammarian, together with a consideration of the genius and habits of this poet, renders it not altogether improbable that he is the author of a very curious and spirited Latin Epitome of the Iliad, which has reached us, and which throws some . on the poetical history of the time—The best ition of Avienus is that of Wernsdorff, in the Poeta. Latini Minores, vol. 5, pt. 2, Helmstad., 1791, 12mo, (Encyclop. Metropol. Div. 3, vol. 2, p. 575, seq.—Bahr, Gesch. Röm. Lit., vol. 1, p. 185, seqq.)

pare Dio Cass., 53, 16.) And hence, as Gronovius |tions of Gaul.

I. The Aulerci Brannovices, contiguous to the Edui, and subject to them, answering to what is now le Briennois. (Caes., B. G., 7, 75.)— II. The Aulerci Cenomani, situate between the Sarta or Sarthe, and the Laedus, two of the northern branches of the Liger. Their country is now the Department de la Sarthe. (Caes., B. G. , 7, 75.)—III. The Aulerci Eburovices, on the left bank of the Sequana or Seine, below Lutetia or Paris, answering now to the Department de l'Eure. (Caes., B. G., 3, 17.) Auletes, the surname of one of the Ptolemies, father of Cleopatra. The appellation is a Greek one, meaning “flute-player” (Abamroc), and was given him on agcount of his excellence in playing upon the flute, Ashore correctly speaking, pipe. 'Aulis, a town of Boeotia, on the shores of the Euripus, and nearly opposite to Chalcis. It is celebrated as being the rendezvous of the Grecian fleet when about to sail for Troy, and as the place where they were so long detained by adverse winds. (Vid. Iphigenia.) Strabo (403) remarks, that, as the harbour of Aulis could not contain more than fifty ships, the Grecian fleet must have assembled in the neighbouring port of Bathys, which was much more extensive. From Xenophon we learn, that, when Agesilaus was on the point of setting out for Asia Minor, to carry on the war against Persia, he had intended to offer up sacrifice at Aulis, but was opposed in this design by the Boeotarchs, who appeared in the midst of the ceremony with an armed force. (Hist. Gr., 3, 4, 4.) Livy says the distance between Aulis and Chalcis was three miles. (Liv., 45, 27.) Pausanias (9, 19) reports, that the temple of Diana still existed when he visited Aulis, but that the inhabitants of the place were few, and those chiefly potters. (Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 2, p. 262, seqq.) Aulon, I. a fertile ridge and valley near Tarentum, in Southern Italy, the wine of which equalled the Falerian in the opinion of Horace. (Horat., Od., 2, 6, 18.)—II. A valley of Palestine, extending along the banks of Jordan, called also Magnus Campus.-III. Another in Syria, between the ridges of Libanus and Antilibanus—IV. A district and city of Messenia, bordering on Triphylia and part of Arcadia, being separated from these two by the Neda. (Strab., 350– Steph. Byz., s. v.) Aulus, I. a praenomen common among the Romans. —II. Gellius. (Vid. Gellius.) AURELIA LEx, was enacted A.U.C. 683, and ordained that judices or jurymen should be chosen from the Senators, Equites, and Tribuni AErarii-Another, A.U.C. 678. It abrogated a clause of the Lex Cornelia, and permitted the tribunes to hold other offices after the expiration of the tribuneship. AURELIMNI. Wid. Genabum. AureliãNUs, I. (Lucius Domitius) an emperor of Rome, distinguished for his military abilities and stern severity of character, was the son of a peasant in the territory of Sirmium, in Illyria. His father occupied a small farm, the property of Aurelius, a rich senator. The son enlisted in the troops as a common soldier, successively rose to the rank of centurion, tribune, prefect of a legion, inspector of the camp, general, or, as it was then called, duke of a frontier; and at length, during the Gothic war, exercised the important office of commander-in-chief of the cavalry. In every station he distinguished himself by matchless valour, rigid discipline, and successful conduct. Theoclius, as quoted in the Augustan history (p. 211), affirms, that in one day he killed forty-eight Sarmatians, and in several subsequent engagements nine hundred and fifty. This heroic valour was admired by the soldiers, and celebrated in their rude songs, the burden of which was “Mille, mille, mille, occidit.” At length Valerian II. raised him to the consulship, and his good fortune was His next elevation was to the throne, Claudius II., on his deathbed, having recommended Aurelian to the troops of Illyricum, who readily acceded to his wishes. The reign of this monarch lasted only four years and about nine months; but every instant of that short period was filled by some memorable achievement. He put an end to the Gothic war, chastised the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain out of the hands of Tetricus, and destroyed the proud monarchy which Zenobia had erected in the East on the ruins of the afflicted empire. Owing to the ungenerous excuse of the queen, that she had waged war by the advice of her ministers, her secretary, the celebrated Longinus, was put to death by the victor; but, after having graced his triumphal entry into Rome, Zenobia herself was presented with a villa near Tibur, and allowed to spend the remainder of her days as a Roman matron. (Vid. Zenobia, Longinus, Palmyra.) Aurelian followed up his victories by the reformation of abuses, and the restoration throughout the empire of order and regularity, but he tarnished his good intentions by the general severity of his measures, and the sacrifice of the senatorian order to his slightest suspicions. He had planned a great expedition against Persia, and was waiting in Thrace for an o to cross the straits, when he lost his life, A.D. 125, by assassination, the result of a conspiracy excited by a secretary whom he intended to call to account for peculation. Aurelian was a wise, able, and active prince, and very useful in the declining state of the empire; but the austerity of his character caused him to be very little regretted. It is said that he meditated a severe persecution on the Christians, when he was so suddenly cut off. (Hist. August., p. 211, seqq.— Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. 11. — Biogr. Univ., vol. 3, p. 72–Encyclop. Am., vol. 1, p. 474.)—II. Caelius, a native of Sicca, in Numidia, who is supposed to have lived between 180 and 240 A.D. He was a member of the medical profession, and has left behind him two works: the one entitled, “Libri Quinque tardarum sine chronicarum passionum,” and the other, “Libri tres celerum sire acutarum passionum.” Both are drawn from Greek authors; from Themison, Thessalus, and, above all, Soranus. Caelius Aurelianus being the only author of the sect called Methodists who has come down to us (if we except Octavius Horatianus, who lived in the days of the Emperor Valentinian, and is little known), his work is particularly valuable, as preserving to us an account of many theories and views of practice which would otherwise have been lost; but even of itself it is deserving of much attention for the practical information which it contains. Caelius is remarkable for learning, understanding, and scrupulous accuracy; but his style is much loaded with technical terms, and by no means elegant. He has treated of the most important diseases which come under the care of the physician in the following manner. In the first place, he gives a very circumstantial account of the symptoms, which he does, however, more like a systematic writer and a compiler, than as an original observer of nature. Next, he is at great pains to point out the distinction between the disease he is treating of and those which very nearly resemble it. He afterward endeavors to determine the nature and seat of the disease; and this part frequently contains valuable references to the works of Erasistratus, the celebrated Alexandrean anatomist. Then comes his account of the treatment, which is, in general, sensible and sci

likewise by that of wolves, bears, leopards, horses, and

asses. He also mentions an instance of its being brought on by a wound inflicted by the spurs of a cock. Nay, he says that he knew a case of the disease being brought on by the breath of a dog, without a wound at all. Sometimes too, he says, the complaint comes on without any apparent cause. His description, if compared with modern descriptions (for example, with that given in Hufeland's Journal for 1816, by Dr. Goden), will be found in every respect very complete. He considers the affection as a general one, but that the nerves of the stomach are more particularly interested in the disease; and Dr. Goden likewise is of opinion, that the splanchnic nerves are more especially affected. In short, his theory is, that the complaint consists of an incendium merrorum, or increased heat of the nerves. He treats the disease upon much the same plan as tetanus, to which he appears to have considered it allied, by frictions with tepid oil, oily clysters, and other remedies of a relaxing nature. He approves of venesection, but not to a great extent. He condemns the use of hellebore, which is a mode of treatment approved of by every ancient authority except himself. Neither, also, does he make mention of the application of the actual cautery to the wound, which practice is recommended by the best authorities, both ancient and modern. (Sprengel, Hist. de la Med., vol. 2, p. 37, seqq.) AURELius, I. Marcus, a Roman emperor. Antoninus II.)—II. Victor, a Roman historian. Victor.) AURINIA, a prophetess held in great veneration by the Germans. (Tacit., Germ., 8.) Some imagine the true form of the name to have been, when Latinized, Alurina; and trace an analogy between it and the Alruna of northern mythology. (Consult Oberlinus, ad Tacit., l.c.) Aurora, the goddess of the dawn, daughter of Hyperion and Theia. Her Greek name was Eós ('Hog). Other genealogies represent her as the daughter of Titan and Terra, or of Pallas, the son of Crius and husband of Styx, whence she is sometimes styled Pallantias. In Homer and Hesiod she is simply the goddess of the dawn, but in the works of succeeding poets, she is identified with Hemera, or the Day. (AEschyl., Pers., 384. — Eurip., Troad., 844.— Bicn, Idyll., 6, 18. — Quint. Smyrn., 1, 119 – Nonnus, 7, 286, 294. — Id., 25, 567. — Musaeus, 110, &c.) Aurora became, by Astrous, the mother of the winds Boreas, Zephyrus, and Notus, and also of the stars of heaven. (Hes., Theog., 378.) She was more than once, moreover, deeply smitten with the love of mortal man. She carried off Orion, and kept him in the isle of Ortygia till he was slain there by the darts of Diana. (Od., 5, 121.) Clitus, the son of Mantius, was for his exceeding beauty snatched away by her, “that he might be among the gods.” (Od., 15, 250.) She also carried off Cephalus, and had by him a son named Phaethon. (Hes., Theog., 986. — Eurip., Hippol. 457.) But her strongest affection was for Tithonus, son of Laomedon, king of Troy. (Wid. Tithonus.) The children whom she bore to Tithonus were Memnon and AEmathion.—The most probable derivation of the name Eós ("Höc, Doric 'A&c.) seems to be that from do, to blow, regarding it as the cool morning air, whose gentle breathing precedes the rising of the sun. The Latin term Aurora is similarly related to Aura. (Hermann, uber das Wesen, &c., p. 98.- Keightley's

(Wid. (Wid.

entific, but somewhat too formal, timid, and fettered Mythology, p. 63, seqq.) Aurora is sometimes repby the rules of the sect. He is ingenuous, however, in resented in a saffron-coloured robe, with a wand or

often deliverin

essentially different from his own.

a free statement of modes of practice, torch in her hand, coming out of a golden
His account of ascending a chariot of the same metal.

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Hydrophobia is particularly valuable, as being the most scribes her as wearing a flowing veil, which she throws

complete treatise upon that fatal malady which an

tiquity has furnished us with. He states, that the dis

ease is occasioned not only by the bite of a dog but

back to denote the dispersion of night, and as opening with her rosy fingers the gates of day. Others represent her as a nymph crowned with flowers, with a

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