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king and queen on twelfth-night, has reference to the three kings. So likewise our eating of fritters, whipping of tops, roasting of herrings, jack of lents, &c. they were all in imitation of church-work, emblems of martyrdom. Our tansies at Easter have reference to the bitter herbs; though at the same time it was always the fashion, for a man to have in his house a gammon of bacon, to shew himself to be no Jew.
1. HERETOFORE the kingdom let the church alone, let them do what they would, because they had something else to think of, vizt. wars; but now in time of peace, we begin to examine all things, will have nothing but what we like, grow dainty and wanton; just as in a family, the heir uses to go a hunting, he never considers how his meal is dressed; takes a bit ?, and away; but when he stays within, then he grows curious, he does not like this, nor he does not like that, he will have his meat dressed his own way, or peradventure he will dress it himself. 2. It hath ever been the gain of the church, when the
1 Takes a bit, H. 2] take a bit, H. 1. 3. Jack a lent] Explained in Johnson's Dictionary as a puppet formerly thrown at in Lent, like shrove-cocks. Conf.:
'Thou, that when last thou wert put out of service,
Ben Jonson, Tale of a Tub, Act iv. sc. 2. 1. 5. Our tansies] "Tansy, a herb: also a sort of pancake or pudding made with it.' Bailey, Old English Dictionary.
1. 20. the gain of the church] I am not sure that this is the correct reading. The MSS. give gaine, which may quite possibly have been a mistake for game, a word better suited to the sense here. So, in Bacon's Essay Of Usury,' the unquestionably correct reading, 'at
king will let the church have no power, to cry down the king and cry up the church. But when the church can make use of the king's power, then to bring all under the king's prerogative.) The catholics of England go one way, and the court clergy the other
3. A glorious church is like a magnificent feast, there is all the variety that may be, but every one chooses out
! a dish or two that he likes, and lets the rest alone. How glorious soever the church is, every one chooses out of it his own religion, by which he governs himself, and lets to the rest alone.
4. The laws of the church are most favourable to the church, because they were the church's own making; as the heralds are the best gentlemen, because they make their own pedigree.
5. There is a question about that article, concerning
1 The other] corrected in MSS. from an other.'
the end of the game,' appears in some copies of the edition of 1625 as at the end of the gaine.' So, too, in the Table Talk (Power, State, end of sec. 7) the Harleian MS. 1315 reads, quite distinctly, comine,' instead of comme.'
1. 16. There is a question about that article &c.] The words in question—“The Church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies and authority in controversies of faith,' or, as they appear in the original Latin, ‘Habet Ecclesia ritus statuendi jus, et in fidei controversiis auctoritatem'-were certainly part of the Latin text as printed in 1563, with the approval of the Queen. They were not in Archbishop Parker's preparatory draft of the articles, but they certainly were in the copy finally signed by the archbishop, the bishops and the clergy of the Lower House, at the convocation on January 29, 1562 (1563). Their · subsequent history is not equally clear. They were not in the English MS. signed by the bishops in the convocation of 1571. They were in the Latin articles signed by the Lower House in the same year. It appears, too, that in 1571 there were copies of the articles printed in Latin and in English with the above words, and other copies, certainly in English, without the words. The whole question is discussed, and a summary of the arguments pro and con given, in Hardwick's History of the Thirty-nine Articles, p. 141. See also Laud's Works, vol. iv. 30, and vol. vi. 64 ff. A charge that the bishops had
the power of the church, whether these words (of having power in controversies of faith) were not stolen in; but 'tis most certain they were in the Book of Articles that was confirmed, though in some editions they have been left out: but the Article before tells you, who the church is; not the clergy, but cotus fidelium.
1. BEFORE a juggler's tricks are discovered we admire him, and give him money, but afterwards we care not for to them : (so 'twas before the discovery of the juggling of the church of Rome,
2. Catholics say, we out of our charity believe they of the church of Rome may be saved: but they do not be. lieve so of us; therefore their church is better according to our own selves. First, some of them no doubt believe as well of us, as we do of them; but they must not say so. Besides is that an argument, their church is better than ours because it has less charity ?
forged the clause and had foisted it into the articles, is dealt with at length in Laud's speech at the censure of Burton, Bastwick, and Prynne. Strype, in his Life of Archbishop Parker, bk. iv. chap. 5, says that a Latin copy of the articles, printed in 1563, and containing the disputed clause, 'is still extant in the Bodleian Library among Mr. Selden's books ... being found in Archbishop Laud's library, from whence Mr. Selden immediately had it.' He adds, further, that there were three editions of the Thirty-nine Articles in English, printed in 1571 by Jugg and Cawood, all which have this clause; 'which three editions, with the said clause, I myself saw, as well as other inquisitive persons, at Mr. Wilkins's, a bookseller in St. Paul's Church-yard.' So that at length an edition that appeared abroad in the same year, printed by John Day, wanting the clause, hath been judged (and that upon good grounds) to be spurious.'
1. 17. Besides is that an argument, &c.] Dr. Prideaux makes this
3. One of the church of Rome will not come to our prayers. Does that argue he does not like them? I would fain see a catholic leave his dinner, because a nobleman's chaplain says grace. Nor haply would he leave the prayers of the church, if going to church were not made a note of distinction between a protestant and a papist.
CHURCHES. The way coming into our great churches was anciently at the west door, that men might see the altar, and all the 10 church before them; the other doors were but posterns.
1 Protestant, H. 2) protest, H.
point in the course of a series of lectures to which Selden refers elsewhere. See note on ‘Predestination,' sec. 3.
1.9. The way coming &c.] After the narthex (ante-temple) followed that part which was properly called vaós, the temple, and navis, the nave or body of the church ... The entrance into it from the narthex was by the gates, which the modern rituals and Greek writers call Túhai ápalai and Baoidikai, the 'beautiful and royal gates.' Here their kings were wont to lay down their crowns before they proceeded further into the Church. Bingham, Christian Antiquities, bk. viii. ch. 5, sec. I.
These royal gates were usually at the west, since the churches were usually built east and west, with the altar at the east end, but the rule was not always observed. See Christian Antiquities, bk. viii. ch. 3, sec. 2.
Bingham gives, in this chapter, the ground-plan of an ancient church, showing the royal gates at the west, with the altar and all the church in full view in front of them, and the other gates or posterns at the sides. See also Selden's letter to Usher of March 24, 1621 (22), asking whether we find that any churches in the elder times of Christianity were with the doors or fronts eastward' (Works, ii. 1707), and Usher's reply of April 16, showing that ancient churches were built in a variety of ways, some 'with the doors or fronts eastward,' some standing north and south; but that for the most part they had the entrance at the west and the altar at the east end. R. Parr's Life of Usher. Letters, p. 81. Letter 49.
1. What makes a city ? Whether a bishoprick, or anything of that nature ?
Answer. 'Tis according to the first charter which made them a corporation. If they are incorporated by name of civitas, then they are a city; if by the name of burgum, then they are a borough.
2. The lord mayor of London by their first charter was to be presented to the king; in his absence to the lord 10 chief justiciary of England; afterwards to the lord chancel
lor, now to the barons of the exchequer; but still there was a reservation, that for their honour they should come once a year to the king, as they do still.
1. 8. The lord mayor of London &c.] The first notice of the presentment of the lord mayor to the King occurs in the fifth charter, granted by King John, 1215. It grants to the barons of the city of London that they may choose every year a mayor, ‘so as, when he shall be chosen, to be presented to us or our justice, if we shall not be present. By the sixth charter of Henry III, the mayor when chosen is to be 'presented to the Barons of the Exchequer, we not being at Westminster, so notwithstanding at the next coming of us or our heirs to Westminster or London, he be presented to us or our heirs, and so admitted mayor.' Edward I fixes the first presentation to be to the ‘Constable of our Tower of London, but to us at our next coming to London.' See Noorthouck, Hist. of London, pp. 778, 782, 784. This rule is not varied in any later charters. For the practice, as it had afterwards been settled, see Maitland's Hist. of London, p. 1193 (fol. 1756). "The Lord Mayor elect,' Maitland says, 'is presented first to the Lord Chancellor, and afterwards to the Barons of the Exchequer, when he has been sworn into his office.'