course, would render it perpetual if passed into a law.

2d, By folio 48, the election of a factor and trustee will, in almost every case that can occur, be taken out of the hands of the creditors, which circumstance, as well as every thing else, tending to render the factor and trustee, especially the trustee, independent of the creditors, must be very prejudicial to the interest of the

latter.

3d, By folio 59, the same course is proposed to be followed with respect to the commissioners. Thus will the nomination of every functionary on the bankrupt estate be taken out of the hands of the creditors, and placed in those of the sheriff depute. Your committee do not hesitate to affirm, that such a measure would be attended with consequences the most injurious to the interests of the creditors, and would entirely alter the nature and principles of all the bankrupt laws that have existed in Great Britain.

4th, Your committee bave also remarked, that the period for electing the trustee is proposed by this bill to be much abridged.

5th, The bill drawn up in 1810, by Mr Alexander Campbell, writer in Glasgow, at the recommendation of this chamber, contains many salutary regulations, which are wholly omitted in the present bill, and which your committee would have noticed more at large in the present report, had they not seen a pamphlet, entitled, "Narrative respecting the various bills which have been framed for regulating the law of bankruptcy in Scotland, with supplement and ap pendix ;" in which these omissions are particularly noticed, viz. between pages 51 and 57, of that pamphlet, which, on that account, your committee think highly deserving of the attention of the legislature, as well as of every person whose situation in life may lead him to be connected, as a creditor, on bankrupt estates in Scot

land.

LINES TO A FEMALE FRIEND,

With Hammond's Love Elegies. TO melt the haughty, cruel maid, When Hammond told his tender tale, Alluring Love lent all his aid,

And Pity join'd her soothing wail. His language melts the generous soul, And lover's tears his page bedew; Would Delia scorn such mild control, If Delia Love or Pity knew?

Ah! Delia knew not how to feel,

Unmov'd she heard his bursting sigh; She saw her love-lorn Philomel

Breathe out his lonely plaint, and die.

Say, lovely maid, if one would dare
To talk of aught like virtuous love;
And pledge his heart to you sincere,

His faithful vows would you approve?
Or would you charge him to depart?
Like Delia would you scornful hear?
Ah! No;-thy soft angelic heart
The smile of Hope would bid him wear.
I love to tell how well I know
Thy lover has a heart sincere;
The artless tale, and faithful vow,
And nothing else from him you'll hear.
A VILLAGER

February 1813.

PRO

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday April 9, 1813. MARQUIS WELLESLEY, in moving for

papers connected with the East India question, made a few observations on the resolutions which were upon the table. He did not think that the manners, customs, and prejudices of the natives of India were unchangeable, and consequently unfriendly to European commerce, or the Company would not have gained the mart for their commodities which they had acquired. There were many public and bye laws which operated against the trade and settlement of free merchants which ought to be repealed; at the same time, sufficient power ought to be left with the Company to prevent a conflict between them and the traders. He conceived, that opening the trade to the East India islands would be injurious to the China trade. He urged in favour of the Company, that any alteration in the present system would prevent them from discharging their functions, facilitate smuggling, and endanger the tranquillity of the Indian Continent. Much of the disorders which had prevailed, arose from the jarring of the governor and the commander in Chief, and here interference would he beneficial. He would recommend an ecclesiastical establishment; likewise some system of civil education, as making the national character more respectable; and leave the doctrine of Christianity to work its way by a general diffusion of knowledge, rather than by any exertion on the part of Government. A Christian governor could not do less, nor should a British governor do more. The motion, which was to have been followed by another for a select committee, was negatived.

Tuesday, April 13.

An address to the Regent, for granting the usual subsidy of two millions to Portugal, was agreed to without opposition.

In the course of the month of April, upwards of a hundred petitions, from various parts of the country, have been presented to the House, praying, that, in case of the renewal of the East India Company's charter, provision may be made for the free propagation of the Christian religion among May 1813.

the natives of that empire. No business of public importance has come before their Lordships during that month.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, April 5.

In the Committee on the East India Company's affairs, Col. Sir J. Malcolm said, that he had been in the military service of the Company since 1783; and conceived that unrestricted interchange would be mis. chievous and ruinous. He thought that, from the quietness of the Mahomedans and Hindoos, they were satisfied with the British government. He did not think that, by throwing open the trade to India, the use of British manufactures would be much increased.

Sir S. Romilly's Attainder of Treason bill went through a Committee; but on a mo tion that the report be received to-morrow, a short discussion ensued.

Mess. Yorke, Wynne, Wetherall, Lockhart, and Frankland, with the Attorney and Solicitor Generals, opposed it on the ground that the law, as it stood at present, operated so as to prevent persons, of large freehold property from committing treason, lest their children should be cut off from the succession to their estates, and making in fact men's affection to the government influenced by the affection they hold to the future welfare of their posterity. Mr Preston supported the bill.

Sir S. Romilly regretted that he had not heard the objection sooner; he might then have left out that part which regarded the succession in cases of high treason, and preserved that part respecting the property left by persons executed for felony. It was not, however, too late to re-commit the bill even now. On a division there appeared -for receiving the report 55-against it 43.-Majority 12.-The bill is therefore lost.

Tuesday, April 6.

Mr J. Smith, in presenting a petition from Nottingham in favour of Peace, said, that in one parish of 7000 persons, 2350 received porochial relief; the petition was rejected on account of its being printed.

Mr Creevey, in moving for the abolition of the joint paymastership of the forces, said, that he could not conceive that sine

cures

cures were beneficial as compensations for public service. If any person were to ask him what services had been performed by Lord Charles Somerset, he should be much puzzled to name them. He is a Lieutenant-General, it might be suggested, and has fought perhaps at Salamanca or Barossa. No, he has never left the kingdom. He defends, indeed, the county of Sussex against invaders, and has an allowance of sixteen. horses a-day, to enable him to go through the various possible fatigues of chase and pursuit; though, it must be confessed, that, for a great part of the year he is in town, and in Parliament. The noble Lord, then, it would be said, receives £.2000 a year for nothing. Not entirely so. The noble Lord is one of a great family, who, by the natural influence of large property, have considerable weight in elections, and who happen to think precisely as the ministers do on almost all subjects. (a laugh.)

On the suggestion of Mr Whitbread, Mr Creevey withdrew his motion.

Wednesday, April 7.

In a committee on East India Affairs, Sir J. Malcolm said, that the native population of Calcutta was about 500,000; of Madras he could say nothing; Bombay was not inferior to Calcutta. The Persians had no prejudices against the importation of European articles, except brandy and wine, which were forbidden; and the nobles were very fond of our fire-arms, if they could obtain them for nothing. Woollens had been imported from India.-In regard to increasing the knowledge of the natives of India, it would certainly add to the comforts of their own situation; but with respect to the political interests of the Company, he thought it would be best to keep them as nearly as possible in their present state, The superior states of India had great means of rebellion in their power, and were not dependent on the British government. No doubt, the inhabitants would purchase British manufactures if they were more wealthy, They could never rival us in the woollen manufacture, as they had no wool among them. He had observed Europeans were fond of resorting to India, and the lower classes in particular, who, when once arrived there, shewed no inclination to leave it again. Any great increase of Europeans in India, would tend to lessen the respect in which the natives held the British character and government. Thursday April 8.

In a committee on India Affairs, Gen. Kidd, Messrs. Young, Vanderheyden, Prendergast, and Hallyburton, were examined. Their testimony was similar to that of preeeding witnesses, that unrestricted inter

course would be dangerous, and that the consumption of British manufactures in India was not likely to be increased. Gen. Kidd, to shew how strong the religious prejudices of the natives were, said, that two young dragoon officers having gone out to shoot, happened to pass by one of the Hindoo temples, where they saw several monkies. Thinking them fair game, they began to fire upon them, but the conse quence was, that they were so violently attacked by the priests of the temple (the mon kies being deemed holy) as to be obliged to throw themselves into the Ganges, with a view of swimming across. In which attempt both of them were unfortunately drowned.

Friday, April 9.

In a committee on India Affairs, Messrs. Smith, Fairly, and Capt. Lindsay, were examined. Mr Fairly acknowledged his ha ving heard that the Company intimidated

the native cotton weavers to enter into contracts with them.

Monday, April 12.

In a committee on India Affairs, Col. Monro was examined by Mr Impey. He had been 32 years in India, and was parti cularly acquainted with the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. He was convinced that the natives were much attached to their own manners and religion, and that the permission to English traders to reside in the interior of India, would be attended with mischievous consequences to the Company. He thought the new-comers, from not knowing the customs of the country, would be liable to commit acts of violence against the prejudices of the natives, and would thereby create great discontents; which, tho' not amounting to insurrections, would cer tainly have the effect of lessening the high character of the British in India; which, in his opinion, is the main pillar of our govern ment there.

In a committee of Supply, two millions were voted as a subsidy to Portugal, and £.4000 for the service of Sicily. Of the latter sum, two thirds were to be appropriated to defray the expence of a corps, whose services were not to be confined to Sicily, but to extend to any part of the Mediter ranean. In consequence of this arrange. ment, £.6000 of these troops, paid out of Subsidy, were actually now serving in Spain. The following sums were then vo ted for the service of Ireland :-£.32.965 for the Board.of Public Works; £.23,000 for Stationary; £.10,500 for the expence of printing proclamations.

Sir H. Parnell, opposed the resolution for the last sum, contending that the money was employed by the Irish government in influencing

A

influencing the press. No proclamation was ever published in any newspaper that was not entirely devoted to the Government, and some of those papers owe their existence to the proportion of this sum which the Government give them. newspaper that was tolerably independent would consider it a degradation to insert a Government proclamation. Those that did insert them were particularly remarkable for their vituperation of the Catholic body. Messrs. Fitzgerald and Peele defended the resolution, on the ground of its being a customary vote. The Proclamations were not merely sent to the Government papers, but to many whose editors had been convicted of libels against the Government. The resolution was then agreed to.

The Chancellor of the exchequer then proposed that £.260,000, being one per cent. on the unfunded debt, should be granted, to form a sinking fund for its reduction, which was agreed to.

Messrs. R. Thornton, Tierney, Ponsonby, C. Grant, Astell, and G. Smith, warmly opposed the motion. They contended that the testimony given at the bar had begun to make a deep impression on the country, and that ministers, duly sensible of the change which might be wrought in the sentiments of those who were unfriendly to the company, were desirous of preventing it by assigning the inquiry to a se. lect committee, whose voluminous reports very few of those who were called on to judge would have the patience to peruse.Mr Canning would support the motion, to prevent the business being postponed till another session. On a division, the motion was carried by 95 to 37.

The report of the committee of supply being brought up, all the resolutions were agreed to, except the grant of £.10,500 for proclamations.

Gen. Mathew stated, as an instance of the influence which the Government exerted over the Irish papers, that the editor of the Clonmel Herald, who had the benefit of the proclamations while he adhered to Government, had, on account of his voting for him (General Mathew) at the last elec

tion, not only been deprived of this advantage, but had been pursued for debt, which was due indeed, but for which the best security had been given.

Mr Fitzgerald asserted that the prosecu tion of the editor of the. Clonmel Herald was not occasioned by any such motive, and General Mathew interrupting him to say, that it occurred during the last election, he declared with great warmth, that if any man dared to assert that he had acted with other motives than those which he was avowing, the walls of that house should not protect him.

Gen. Mathew answered, that some gentlemen spoke their sentiments within the walls, he should on the present occasion speak his sentiments without the walls of that house.

Here Lord Castlereagh and the Speaker interfered, and Mr Fitzgerald having acknowledged that his expressions were made under an impression that the attack was personal, while General Mathew declared that his attack had been directed against the Government, a reconciliation was ef fected.

CHRISTMAS RECESS.

Wednesday, April 28.

Mr Fierney presented à petition from 2 vestry meeting in Tenningham, Devonshire, stating, that they had received from London, by post, a petition against the Catholic claims, accompanied with a request that they would sign it and transmit it to Parliament. The petitioners acknowledged, that though they were good judges of sheep and oxen, they were not much skilled in state politics. They had been informed, that if the Catholic bill passed, the Prince Regent might make the Pretender commander in chief, and the Pope Archbishop of Canterbury; but they hoped the honoura ble house would take care to provide against such dreadful calamities.

CATHOLIC BILL.

Friday, April 30.

Mr Grattan brought up his bill for the removal of civil and military disqualifications from the Roman Catholic subjects of this kingdom. The title of the bill was read. It allowed Roman Catholics to sit in either House of Parliament on taking an oath therein specified, instead of the oath of supremacy, and against transubstantiation; It also allowed them to be members of any corporation, and to be officers of the king's household, with certain exceptions. Mr Canning said, that the bill had his cordial

concurrence.

concurrence. Sir J. Cox Hippesley would endeavour to have it postponed. Sir C. Poole wished it could be framed so as not to affect the navy during the present war. Mr Hiley Addington did not think that those who had voted for the committee had pledged themselves to support the principle of the bill. It was then read, ordered to be printed, and to be read a second time on the 11th inst.

ABSTRACT OF THE BILL.

This bill enables Roman Catholics to sit in either House of Parliament, and to hold all civil and military offices, upon their taking and making a certain declaration and oath, instead of the oaths of Allegiance, Abjuration, and Supremacy, and the declarations against Transubstantiation and the Invocation of Saints, required by the present laws, except the offices of Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or Lord Commissioner of the Great Seal of Great Britain, or of Lord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy, or Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland. Roman Catholics are also to continue disqualified to hold or to present to any office, benefice, place, or dignity, belonging to the Established Church, or the Church of Scotland, or to any Ecclesiastical Court of Judicature, or to any of the Universities of this realm, or to the Colleges of Eton, Westminster, or Winchester, or to any public School of Royal or Ecclesiastical foundation within this realm, otherwise than as they are by the law, as now existing, qualified to hold or presented to the

same.

No Roman Catholic shall present to any Protestant advowson: if any ecclesiastical patronage be attached to any office to which a Roman Catholic is appointed, the patronage shall be executed by such Protestant Privy Councillor as his Majesty may appoint.-Roman Catholic Clergymen shall take an oath, purporting that they will not

recommend, sanction, or concur in the appointment or consecration of any bishop of whose loyalty they are not well informed. Persons discharging spiritual functions with. out taking this oath will be guilty of a mis. demeanour. None but a natural born subject, having been resident in the kingdom five years immediately previous to consecration, shall exercise the functions of Bishop.

These are the heads of Mr Grattan's bill. to which Mr Canning has proposed several supplementary clauses to the following purport: That every Roman Catholic Bishop to be hereafter appointed shall obtain a certificate from five English Catholic Peers, named in the bill, as to his loyalty; and any Bishop officiating without this certificate may be sent out of the kingdom. That all bulls or briefs received from Rome, shall be immediately communicated to commissioners appointed by the bill, namely, five Catholic Peers, the Roman Catholic Bishop of the London district, the Lord Chancellor, and one of the Secretaries of State, being a Protestant, excepting such bulls as relate to the spiritual concerns of individuals, which must be certified upon oath to be purely of such a nature.

The Commissioners to be sworn to secrecy. There is a similar provision for Ireland. The Commissioners to certify for the loy alty of Bishops to be fite Irish Catholic Peers. The Commissioners for the inspec tion of bulls to be the same five Peers, the Roman Catholic Archbishops of Dublin and Armagh, the Lord Chancellor, and Secretary of State, or one of the Privy Council, being a Protestant.

In the event of the death or absence from the kingdom of any of the five Catholic Peers in either of the kingdoms, a substi tute to be appointed by his Majesty from among the remaining Catholic Peers; or, if there should not be a sufficient number of Catholic Peers, any Roman Catholic Gentleman, possessing a landed estate of £1,000 a year, may be appointed.

T

INSURRECTION IN SICILY.

HE French papers contain a long but confused account of an insurrection which broke out in Sicily, in March last, and which was not quelled by Lord Bentinck without the interposition of the military. We collect from this account, that

King Ferdinand, wrought upon by the ar tifices of his consort Queen Caroline, whe was desirous of resuming the sovereignty, had written to his son Francis, that his health being re-established, he would resume the government, provisionally confided to that Prince in quality of Vicar-General. Lord Bentinck did not deem it pru dent