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Malmesbury were such as the minister would now gladly accept. He would then be satisfied with the restitution of Belgium ; and the safety of England was sacrificed to the interest of the emperor. As to the second mission, it would have been, in his opinion, an happy circumstance, if that noble lord had been empowered at the outset to make the offer of restitution demanded by France. He conceived that the foreign territories pofféffed by Great Britain, previous to the war, fully sufficed for every purpose both of commerce and security. At all events they were not of that value which would justify the hazard and loss which we must sustain by a farther prosecution of the war.” Mr. Edwards concluded his speech with lamenting the absence of Mr. Fox, and expressing his fears left this distinguifhed patriot had retired, oppressed with prophetic anguish, and despairing, under the present system, of the falvation of the country

Mr. Wilberforce acknowledged himself “ far from participating in the poignant grief expressed for the absence of Mr. Fox, except indeed it could be proved that his presence could extricate the country from the difficulties in which it was involved. Every body knew that the nation was in a critical situation, and he should therefore, for himself, pursue a line of conduct the reverse of that adopted by Mr. Fox and his friends. He would pun&ually attend to the discharge of his duty, and, however discouraging the prospect, would exert his best abilities to perform it from an inward sense of right, not biassed by motives of personal ambition.Palling from this most malignant insinuation to the motion before the house, he declared of the address to be such as all descriptions of gentlemen might consent to, who were sensible of the blessings of our constitution. Ministers were sincerely solicitous for the reftoration of peace, but were equally ready vigorously to prosecute the war, if the ambition and obstinacy of the enemy reduced us to it. As Englishmen, we thould feel


it our duty to stand at our post to the last; nor imitate the example of those, who, under circumstances of difficulty and danger, would pufillanimously desert it.”

Mr. Nichols asked how long the calamities of war were to be endured by the people of Great Britain, for the sake of securing the Cape and Ceylon to the East-India Company? Whilst our ears were stunned with public rejoicings for victories which availed little, our finances required the most serious attention. From July 1796, to July 1797, an addition of 2,600,000 l. appeared in the dividends of the three-per-cents. which was equal to an addition of eighty-seven millions and a half of capital. Ministers had

ong been tried, and tried to no purpofe ; and we owed it as a duty to his majesty, to recommend to him a change of them.” The address, after various other speeches, was carried without a division.

In the house of lords the marquis of Lansdown distinguished himself by an able and animated speech, in which he entreated their lord ships “ to surrender up their prejudices, and consider the danger of their situation. The restoration of peace was absolutely necefsary to the salvation of the country; and, if his majesty would deign to enquire into the most likely method of obtaining it, every honest man would tell him it was by a change of ministers. May we not with reason,” argued his lordfhip, “ suppose the Directory to say, “ We have convinced the powers on the continent of Europe of the folly of the crusade they undertook against us. We have fent armies into the field, whose victories have surpassed those of ancient Rome. We are secure in the enjoyment of our liberties, and have enlarged the limits of our territory. One obstinate nation only, under hot-headed councils, persists in its attack upon us, charging us with every species of atrocity, and denouncing us to the world as the authors of a war which has deluged Europe in blood. This power is at length brought to embarrafsments which it can neither palliate nor conceal. It stands on a tottering base, and is ready to sink under the violence of its own efforts. Shall we yield to this insulated foe, who, even in asking peace, means hostility ? Such, while the present ministers guide the councils of the country,” said his lordship, “ must be the feelings, and such the language, of the French government. When lord Malmefbury was first sent to Paris, a hostile treaty was negotiating with Russia. The second negotiation at Lille was accompanied by that counter-revolutionary insurrection in the interior of France which produced the convulsion of the 4th of September, and in which they said they discovered the hand of the English minister. The French government had openly asserted the fact : Did his majesty's late declaration disprove the charge ? As to the terms of peace, his lordship said that the Cape was an useless acquisition, and Trincomale not worth retaining at the price of farther laughter. We . had gained the East without it; and to continue the war

another campaign for the sake of it would be to estimate its value at thirty millions. Let us,” concluded his lordship, “ endeavour to regain the good opinion of Europe, which we have loft by our pride and rapacity; let us proclaim freedom to neutral nations; and, by thus recognising the commercial liberty of the world, we should be the first to profit by it.”

His lordship was supported by the duke of Norfolk, who declared his great dissatisfaction with the terms of the address, as he was far from being convinced “ that every step had been taken on his majesty's part to accelerate peače," and no papers had been laid before them to justify such an assertion. His grace therefore moved an amend. ment, which was over-ruled ; and the address, as originally moved by the earl of Glasgow, paffed without a division.

On the roth of November, the papers relative to the late negotiation being taken into consideration by the commons, and an address of thanks and approbation moved, fir


John Sinclair observed, “ that the charges brought against the government of France in the present address, and the late royal declaration, were not justified by the papers laid before the house. It was affirmed in the declaration, that the preliminary demands of France were frivolous and offensive; but to this, on referring to the demands themselves, he could not accede. It was farther stated, that it was not the wish of the French government to make peace; whereas the French plenipotentiaries had expressed the wishes of the Directory in the strongest terms, and, as lord Malmesbury acknowledged, had exerted themselves ably to prove that the proposition which had given so much offence was by no means inconfftent with their professions. France,” he said, “ was inveterate against us, because we hewed ourselves inveterate against her; and the Directory might possibly entertain a design to overturn our government, because we had endeavoured to overturn theirs. To prevent the perpetuation of these sentiments, he moved an amendment, expressive of the resolution of that house to Support his majesty in the war, to expunge the words denoting an inveterate animosity, and to declare that, whenever France was disposed to treat on reasonable terms, we would not refuse to negotiate.”

The chancellor of the Exchequer exprefied his concern and disappointment that the opinion of the house should not, on this occasion, be unanimous, and pretended much surprise at the proposed amendment of the honorable ba

« The continuance of the war,” he said, “ was to be folely ascribed to the implacable animosity, to the infatiable ambition, to the unwarrantable pretensions, of the present frantic government of France. To them, not to us, were the guilt and the responsibility of future extremities to be imputed. Ministers had exerted every effort to procure peace; and, from the commencement of the negotiation to its final rupture, the whole of the intermediate delay was owing to the evasive conduct of France. Sin


cerity of ministers," Mr. Pitt faid, “ was fully proved by the concessions which they had declared themselves willing to make, and the facrifices which they offered. For what were these facrifices made ? For peace. To whom were these facrifices offered ? To an enemy whose forces had never separately met the military strength without adding to our national glory and renown-An enemy, whose commerce was extinguished, whose navy was annihilated, whofé financial distress, however palliated by their partizans here, was loudly proved in the groans, in the contentions of the councils, in the acts of directorial violence. On reviewing the state of the two countries, let the world judge the value of the concessions on one part, and the force of the claim upon the other. Compare the mutual means of offence and resistance,--the power of the French to take from us, and the ability of this country to retain,and, upon that comparison, decide whether the projet of his majesty did not manifest proofs of Gncerity and moderation. But to this display of fincerity and moderation the arrogance and duplicity of the French afforded a complete contrast. Endless delays ensued; and they required that we, whom they had summoned to treat for a definitive treaty, should stop and discuss preliminary points---insisting that his majesty should resign the title of King of France, a harmless feather, at least, which his ancestors had for centuries worn in their crowns.* They demanded a restitution of the ships taken at Toulon, or a compensation; and a renunciation of any mortgage which this country might possess for the loan to the emperor. The French plenipotentiaries were immediately informed, that this country preferred no such claim, and that the concession was needless.

« We

• But, amidst the assemblage of diamonds, pearls, and rubies, which composed his majesty's crown, why should he be solicitous to retain a trumpery feather,-a feather, too, which, however worthless, did not rightfully appertain to him ; and which, as a cause of irritation, and a mark of insults was by no means, what Mr. Pirt styled it," an harmless feather.”

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