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mote, not a change of minifters, but a revolution in the country."--The duke of Leeds, who ufually voted with administration, after expreffing his disapprobation of a parliamentary reform, remarked "that the noble secretary had made the constitution depend as it were upon the continuance of the present ministers in office, which was rather too much to concede. Though he would not affert that these ministers were intentionally wicked, he could not help confidering them as peculiarly unfortunate."--After a fpeech from the lord-chancellor, enforcing the arguments of lord Grenville, the house divided; for the motion 12, against it 65.

The revolution of France was an event so great, and the immediate confequences of it proved so disastrous, that it could scarcely be for a moment banished from the minds of any in difcuffing the fubject of political and national reform. Two grand and directly opposite conclufions were deducible, and, by different perfons, were actually deduced from it. First, The adversaries and enemies of reform inferred the danger of all innovations, and deprecated even the difcuffion of any topics of this nature, from the extensive and inafcertainable confequences attending the moft temperate and well-intentioned defigns of alteration and improvement. This was at all times a prevailing fentiment with those who had little to hope and much to fear-with persons of high rank, great property, and more especially with those who derived advantage and emolument from the very abuses which were the prominent objects of reform. But the late events in France had fo heightened and extended this dread of innovation as strongly to affect the majority of the middle claffes, and even for a time of the vulgar, who are naturally the friends of innovation, as having more to hope than to fear from the confequences of a change. Secondly, The advocates of political reformation reafoned, toto cœlo, differently; and inferred the utility and neceflity of it from the calamities and difafters of the French revolution itself.

For

For had timely and seasonable reforms been made by the French government, while it yet poffeffed the power of reforming, no revolution would have happened. But, on the contrary, the government there refifted to the utmost every effort to correct even the groffeft abuses; and nothing was effected but in oppofition, and as it were, defiance, of the government, which, by this means, gradually loft its influence and its energy. The paffions of the people were rouzed by continual contention; and the terrent of innovation, breaking down all the dams and mounds of law and custom, carried every thing before it, and the government' and people were involved in one common ruin. But how different would have been the cafe had the government of England taken the bufinefs of reform into its own hands! The mischiefs in France were occafioned by the jealousy and distrust, or rather the open animofity and hostility, fubfifting between the constituted authorities-the king and the National Affembly. But in Great Britain, had the king and parliament united in carrying into effect a general reform upon temperate and liberal principles, fuch as were calculated for practical advantage, who could have entertained the remoteft idea of a fuperior control? Even those who laid most stress upon abstract speculations of right, but who certainly never expected them to be acted upon in their full extent, would have acquiefced with cheerful and grateful hearts: and the clamors of the few, if any fuch there were, who really wished to involve the nation in confufion, would have been loft in the acclamations of the many who must have abhorred the idea. "Consider seriously," fays Mr. Burke in his admired speech on economical reform, "the wisdom of timely reformation. Early reforms are amicable arrangements with a friend in power; late reformations are impofed upon a conquered enemy. Under a ftate of inflammation, the people fee the abuse, and they will fee nothing else.”

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If, in addition to thefe neceffary and fober domeftic reforms, the executive government had acted with caution and moderation abroad, had anxiously avoided making itself a party in the continental quarrels; if, on the contrary, England had endeavoured, with generous frankness and good faith, by amicable interpofition, to accommodate thofe quarrels, and to mediate between the contending. powers.; if, in a word, fhe had refolutely adopted and - persisted in a system of mildness, œconomy, and good-will to all, and had embraced the favorable opportunities which peace would no doubt have afforded of increafing the amount, and adding to the energy of the too inadequate fund fet apart for the liquidation of the public debt; it is impoffible to conjecture to what heights of felicity and glory the nation might in a few years have attained. The difficulties of the American war, after a tranquil interval of ten years, had been in a great degree furmounted; and Mr. Pitt was able, on a memorable occafion, a few months preceding the war with France, to draw an exquifite and glowing picture of public profperity, which time was about to realize, when he himself, with unhallowed hand, tore the canvas, and, exulting in his political phrenzy, committed it to the rage and fury of the winds.

As to the particular mode in which national reform, fo desirable in itself, and so earnestly defired by many, ought to be conducted-it is fufficient to say, that, like every other important undertaking, it must, in order to be ultimately fuccessful in its operation, be conducted in the fpirit of wisdom. "The public," fays a man of talents, who has been unjustly ftigmatized as a favorer of violent reform, Mr. Horne Tooke, " ought never to receive a benefit at the expense of an individual.” Reforms ought, therefore, to be in a great measure profpective, and, as far as the influence of them is felt at all, it should be felt as beneficial. Reforms merely fpeculative are to be avoided; as all theories are delufive, if not dangerous, which do not tend to practical

practical advantage. Above all, it will be the constant care of a wife government to enlighten the people on the fubject of their duties and their rights-infufing into their minds, by gentle and rational méans, juft ideas of government-encouraging and patronizing those writers whose works are calculated to enlarge the fphere of the human understanding, and to enforce a willing obedience, upon just and equitable principles; fo that government may neither exact too much, nor the people yield too little. Who can estimate the value of fuch writings as thofe of Locke, Hoadley, and Addison, in this view, both to the government and to the community of a country?" To say that a blind custom of obedience," to quote the language of one of the greatest of mankind, lord Bacon, "fhould be a furer obligation than duty taught and understood, it is to affirm that a blind man may tread furer by a guide than a feeing man can with fight."

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Towards the end of the feffion a bill was introduced into the house of commons, by Mr. Dundas, for raifing and embodying a militia in Scotland; which was foon after paffed into a law, and found by experience exceedingly obnoxious to the people of Scotland; the method of ballot and the principle of compulfion being equally disliked on the north as on the fouth fide of the Tweed. But obedience was finally enforced, as formerly in England, by the irrefiftible argument of the mufquet and bayonet.

On the 20th of July, 1797, the parliamentary session was concluded in the usual manner by a fpeech from the throne, in which his majesty intimated to the two houses "that he was again engaged in a negotiation for peace, which nothing fhould be wanting on his part to bring to a fuccefsful termination, on fuch conditions as were confiftent with the fecurity, honor, and effential interefts of his dominions."

"Advancement of Learning," Book I.

At

At this period an extreme diffatisfaction prevailed throughout the nation from the general sense entertained of the incapacity of the prefent minifters, either as minifters of peace or war; and a great number of the most respectable and independent members of the house, who had usually voted with Mr. Pitt, held confultations with each other respecting the formation of a new administration, of which it was intended that the earl of Moira fhould be the head; for the majority of the associated members were, in a greater or lefs degree, alarmifts, and conceived that Mr. Fox, for whom they profeffed a high personal admiration and regard, had pledged himself farther than they could, in confiftency with their own views and principles, follow him, in the cause of political and parliamentary reform. It was understood that the prince of Wales favored and patronized the defigns now in agitation-the earl of Moira being known to poffefs the entire confidence of that great perfonage.

Previous to the fummer recefs, fome perfons of the highest respectability and eminence feverally demanded audiences of the king, amongst whom were the duke of Grafton and Mr. Fox. The former of these had once enjoyed a large fhare of the king's favor, and ftill held a diftinguished place in his esteem. The object of this nobleman, as of others high in rank and reputation, who conceived themfelves under an indispensable obligation of duty to state their fentiments at this crifis to his majesty in perfon, was, according to public opinion and report, respectfully, though unrefervedly, to represent to their fovereign the pernicious nature and ruinous confequences of the present system, and the absolute neceflity of fome alteration in it, in order to avoid the impending danger. The magnanimous mind of Mr. Fox was impelled by an additional motive; and conceiving himself and his counfels to be unacceptable to the monarch, he thought it becoming his character, conformably to his recent intimation in parliament, to impart

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