fincere defire of peace, on honorable terms, by an agent of ambaffador authorized to enter upon the difcuffion? The Directory, however, acted fairly and openly in the avowal that no territory, united by the Constitutional Act to France, would be relinquished by any fubfequent treaty. The reafon affigned for this determination might, with so captious an enemy as the court of London, have been better omitted; though, when fuch a resolution was once formed, it fignified little to the adverfaries of France upon what bafis it rested. The annexation of the provinces in queftion to the republic was a reafon valid only to themselves; and the notification of it to England indicated merely that the refolution was confidered by the Directory as irreversible. In reply to this reasoning, it was undoubtedly fufficient for England to fay, that the fame power which united could difunite, and that the restoration of these provinces could not be, politically speaking, impracticable. But it was altogether idle and fuperfluous to enter into the investigation of an abstract queftion. France declared herself irrevocably determined not to relinquifh certain of her conquefts, amongst which, by far the most important in the view of England, were the Austrian Low Countries. It was for England to confider whether it were more eligible to continue the war, or to accede with a good grace to this unpleafant bafis of pacification. To enter into an argument respecting an abstract politico-metaphyfic right, and efpecially to urge it acrimoniously and reproachfully, could tend only to counteract and destroy that spirit of conciliation upon which the fuccefs of any future negotiation must in a great degree depend. Had the fortune of the war proved favorable to England, and France had demanded the reftoration of Corfica, no doubt the court of London would have replied in the language used by the Directory, that this reftitution could not be complied with, for that Corfica had been annexed to the imperial crown of Great Britain. Had the Directory exclaimed against the abfurdity and arrogance

rogance of this anfwer, it might properly have been foftened and explained, by faying, that, undoubtedly, the annexation of Corfica to the British crown did not, politically fpeaking, preclude its restoration by treaty to France, but that the act of annexation merely indicated the determination of the court of London never to relinquifh this conqueft. When great statesmen differ, it is always about things really important, and never about mere words or forms of expreffion.

Upon the whole, this overture, thus injudiciously and unfuccessfully made, left an unfavorable impreffion upon the minds of the French government and nation, which had been greatly embittered against England by many preceding events. Although the war had firft broken out with Auftria and Pruffia, it was generally believed in France that the English cabinet had fecretly fomented that quarrel, of which, in a fhort time, it became the grand and almost only support. Regarding England, therefore, as the fource of all their calamities, the French could fcarcely look towards that country without paffionate refentment for the defolation and horrors of which it had been the cause, and which the British miniftry still appeared defirous to perpetrate.-Such was the state of things, when the court of London, alarmed at the critical situation of its ally the emperor, and the growing unpopularity of the war at home, made another attempt, either real or pretended, to effect a pacification with France.

On the 6th of September lord Grenville addreffed a note to count Wedel-Jarlsberg, the Danish ambaffador at London, requesting that he would transmit, through the medium of his Danish majesty's refident at Paris, to the Executive Directory, the declaration inclofed, purporting «his Britannic majefty's defire to conclude a peace on just and honorable conditions, and demanding the neceffary paffports for a person of confidence whom his majesty would fend to Paris with a commiffion to difcufs with

VOL. III.

X

the

the government there all the measures the most proper to produce fo defirable an end." Had this been the mode of communication originally adopted, it would, no doubt, have proved acceptable: but, in the present temper of the Directory, the reply made to use the expression of M. Konneman, the Danish resident, in a very dry tone’— was "that the Executive Government would not receive or anfwer any overture from the enemies of the republic tranfmitted through any intermediate channel; but that, if England would fend perfons furnished with full powers and official papers, they might, upon the frontier, demand the passports neceffary for proceeding to Paris." The haughty demeanour of the court of London was, however, by this time, fo much lowered, that, in compliance with the requifition of the Directory, paffports were applied for in the manner and form specified; which were granted expressly to the envoy of England, who shall be furnished with full powers not only for preparing and negotiating the peace between the French republic and that power, but for concluding it definitively between them." Lord Malmesbury, who had been engaged under the name of fir James Harris in negotiations of fome importance at Madrid, St. Petersburg, and elsewhere, and had acquired fome reputation for diplomatic abilities, which, upon this occafion, were highly magnified, was nominated by his Britannic majefty to this important miffion: and, on the 22d of October, his lordship announced to M. de la Croix, minister for foreign affairs, his arrival at Paris, as " plenipotentiary to the FRENCH REPUBLIC." Notwithstanding the coldness and referve which marked the firft acceptance of the English overtures, the natural and characteristic politeness of the French nation prevailed, and lord Malmesbury met perfonally with a most courteous reception.

On the 24th of October a memorial was presented by the British ambaffador, ftating, " that, in the opinion of his Britannic majesty, the principle of compensation would best

ferve as a bafis for the definitive arrangements of peace. Great Britain, fays this boafting memorial, from the uninterrupted fuccefs of her naval war, finds herfelf in a fituation to have no reftitution to demand of France; from which on the contrary fhe has taken eftablishments and colonies of the highest importance, and of value almost incalculable. But, on the other hand, France has made, on the continent of Europe, conquefts to which his majefty can be no less indifferent, as the most important interefts of his people, and the most facred engagements of his crown, are effentially implicated therein. The magnanimity of the king, his inviolable good faith, and his desire to restore repose to fo many nations, induced him to confider this fituation of affairs as affording the means of procuring for all the belligerent powers just and equitable terms of peace, and fuch as are calculated to enfure for the time to come the general tranquillity. It is on this footing then that he purposes to negotiate, by offering to make compenfation to France, by proportionable reftitutions, for those arrangements to which fhe will be called upon to confent, in order to fatisfy the juft demands of the king's allies, and to preferve the political balance of Europe."

To this overture, the Executive Directory, through the medium of M. de la Croix, returned a very embarraffing anfwer. They obferved that if lord Malmesbury would have agreed to treat feparately, as he was formally authorized by the tenor of his credentials, the negotiations might have been confiderably abridged; that the neceffity of balancing with the interefts of the two powers thofe of the allies of Great Britain multiplies the combinations, increases the difficulties, tends to the formation of a congrefs, the forms of which it is known are always tardy, and requires the acceffion of powers which hitherto have difplayed no defire of accommodation, and have not given to lord Malmesbury himself, according to his own declaration, any power to ftipulate for them: Nevertheless the Executive

X 2

tive Directory, animated with an ardent deûre of putting a ftop to the fcourge of war, and to prove that they will not reject any means of reconciliation, declares that, as foon as lord Malmesbury shall exhibit to the minister for foreign affairs fufficient powers from the allies of Great Britain for ftipulating for their respective interests, accompanied by a promise on their part to subscribe to whatever shall be concluded in their names, the Executive Directory will hasten to give an answer to the specific propofitions which shall be fubmitted to them, and that the difficulties fhall be removed, as far as may be confiftent with the safety and dignity of the French republic."

The Directory appears to have perceived, certainly not without reason, that the court of London had no serious intention of acceding to the bafis of pacification stated by M. Barthelemi to Mr. Wickham; and, in their reply to the memorial of lord Malmesbury, they plainly indicated their fufpicions" that the British government had a double object in view, to prevent by general propofitions the partial propofitions of other powers, and to obtain from the people of England the means of continuing the war by throwing an odium upon the republic;" and they declared without referve" that they could not but perceive that the propofition of lord Malmesbury is nothing more than a renewal, under more amicable forms, of the former propofal of Mr. Wickham.”

Lord Malmesbury, perplexed and confounded by this anfwer, wrote to his court for fresh instructions: and on the 12th of November he transmitted a fecond note or memorial to the Directory, in which, agreeably to the orders received during the interval, his lordship declared," that, with regard to the offenfive and injurious infinuations contained in that paper, the king has deemed it far beneath his

dignity

* Could the court of London have given full scope to its greatnefs on this occasion, the phraseology of the note would no doubt have been “ that avdacious paper."