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apostolic Church in that region, as well as the only medium of ecclesiastical connection with the east. But the greatest impression was made by the halo of holiness which surrounded that city in the eyes of the westerns; so that every thing proceeding from it was regarded as sacred.1

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The connection of the Frank Church with Rome was slight since the time of Gregory the Great. The chief authority lay continuously in the hand of the king; and thus all traces of metropolitan government had disappeared. Among the political disturbances of the French empire in the seventh century, the Church also fell into great disorder; the bishops took part in the feuds of the nobles; clergy and monasteries became ungovernable; and the better few, who wished to call attention to morality and discipline, were persecuted. The robbing of Churches was not uncommon; and Charles Martel (majordomus from 717-741) even distributed ecclesiastical revenues and offices in usufruct to valiant soldiers (as beneficium, precarium).3

1 For example, Anastas. vit. xc. Gregor. II. after the account of the great victory gained by Duke Eudo of Aquitania over the Saracens at Toulouse (721): Eudo announced it to the pope, adjiciens, quod anno praemisso in benedictionem a praedicto viro eis directis tribus spongiis, quibus ad usum mensae (perhaps the altar?) Pontificis apponuntur, in hora, qua bellum committebatur, idem Eudo Aquitaniae princeps populo suo per modicas partes tribuens ad sumendum eis, nec unus vulneratus est, nec mortuus ex his, qui participati sunt.

2 So Leodegar, bishop of Autün, who was put to death by the major-domus Ebrün, 678. Aigulf, abbot of a monastery at Lerins, wished merely to keep order among his monks, but was therefore abused, banished, and, in 675, murdered. See the lives of both in Mabillon Act. SS. Ord. Benedicti, saec. ii. p. 679, ss. 656, ss.

3 Comp. above, § 124, note 7. Bonifacius Ep. 132 (ed. Würdtwein Ep. 51), ad Zachariam, about 742: Franci enim, ut seniores dicunt, plus quam per tempus lxxx. annorum Synodum non fecerunt, nec Archiepiscopum habuerunt, nec Ecclesiae canonica jura alicui fundabant vel renovabant. Modo autem maxima ex parte per civitates Episcopales sedes traditae sunt Laicis cupidis ad possidendum, vel adulteratis Clericis, scortatoribus, et publicanis saeculariter ad perfruendum. De Majoribus domus regiae libellus vetusti scriptoris, in du Chesne Hist. Francorum scriptt. t. ii. p. 2: Carolus-res Ecclesiarum propter assiduitatem bellorum laicis tradidit. Hadriani P. I. Ep. ad Tilpinum Archiep. Rhem. in Flodoardi Hist. eccl. Rhem. lib. ii. c. 17, and ap. Mansi, xii. p. 844. Hincmar Epist. vi. ad Episc. diocesis Remensis, c. 19: Tempore Caroli Principis--in Germanicis et Belgicis ac Gallicanis provinciis omnis religio Christianitatis paene fuit abolita, ita ut, Episcopis in paucis locis residuis, Episcopia Laicis donata et rebus divisa fuerint; adeo ut Milo quidam tonsura Clericus, moribus, habitu et actu irreligiosus laicus Episcopia, Rhemorum ac Trevirorum usurpans simul per multos annos pessumdederit, et multi jam in orientalibus regionibus (East Franks) idola adorarent et sine baptismo manerent. Cf. Chronicon Virdunense (written about 1115) in Bouquet Rer. Gall. et Franc. script. t. iii. P. 364. But for this even the clergy abused him after his death. Boniface wrote to Athel bald, king of Mercia, to deter him from a similar course (Baronius ann. 745 no. 11): Carolus quoque Princeps Francorum, multorum monasteriorum eversor, et ecclesiasticarum pe

The Spanish Church appears to have gradually relaxed in humble subjection to the Roman see since catholicism had prevailed among the Goths likewise; although that subordination. had been shown as long as the Church stood under the pressure of Arianism. Here also the king, as feudal lord of the bishops, was the head of the Church; but at the same time the bishops attained to a peculiarly great importance, both by their weighty voice in the election of the king, and by the necessity of supporting a tottering throne by means of spiritual authority.

cuniarum in usus proprios commutator, longa torsione et verenda morte consumtus est. (This passage, however, is wanting in the editions of Boniface's letters, ap. Serarius, Ep. 19). A hundred years later, on the contrary, Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, in the prologus in vitam b. Remigii (written about 854), and still more fully in his Epist. Synodi Carisiacensis ad Ludov. Germ. Regem, A.D. 858 (Capitularia Caroli Calvi, tit. xxvii. c. 7, ap. Baluzius, ii. p. 108. Bouquet, 1. c. p. 659): Carolus Princeps, Pipini Regis pater, qui primus inter omnes Francorum Reges ac Principes res Ecclesiarum ab eis separavit atque divisit, pro hoc solo maxime est aeternaliter perditus. Nam S. Eucherius Aurelianensium Episc.-in oratione positus ad alterum est saeculum raptus, et inter caetera, quae Domino sibi ostendente conspexit, vidit illum in inferno inferiori torqueri. Cui interroganti ab Angelo ejus ductore responsum est, quia Sanctorum judicatione, qui in futuro judicio cum Domino judicabunt, quorumque res abstulit et divisit, ante illud judicium anima et corpore sempiternis poenis est deputatus, et recipit simul cum suis peccatis poenas propter peccata omnium, qui res suas et facultates in honore et amore Domini ad Sanctorum loca in luminaribus divini cultus, et alimoniis servorum Christi ac pauperum pro animarum suarum redemtione tradiderant. Qui in se reversus S. Bonifacium et Fulradum, Abbatem monasterii S. Dionysii, et summum Capellanum Regis Pipini ad se vocavit, eisque talia dicens in signum dedit, ut ad sepulchrum illius irent, et si corpus ejus ibidem non reperissent, ea quae dicebat, vera esse concrederent. Ipsi autem-sepulchrum illius aperientes, visus est subito exisse dracc, et totum illud sepulchrum interius inventum est denigratum, ac si fuisset exustum. Nos autem illos vidimus, qui usque ad nostram aetatem duraverunt, qui huic rei interfuerunt, et nobis viva voce veraciter sunt testati quae audierunt atque viderunt. Cf. Acta SS. Februarii, t. iii. p. 211, ss.

4 Planck's Gesch. d. christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung, Bd. ii. 692, ff. On the Romish vicars in Spain who appeared during the Arian period, see P. de Marca de Concordia Sac. et Imp. lib. v. c. 42. Caj. Cenni de Antiquitate Eccl. Hispanae (2 tom. Romae. 1741. 4) i. 200.

5 The king called councils, Cenni, ii. 89, and was supreme judge, even of bishops, ii. 153. 6 Planck, ii. 235, 246. Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc. iii. c. 30: Sumpserant enim Gothi hanc detestabilem consuetudinem, ut si quis eis de regibus non placuisset, gladio eum adpeterent et qui libuisset animo, hunc sibi statuerent regem. Comp. in particular, Concil. Tolet. iv. (633) cap. 75 (ap. Mansi, x. p. 637, ss.): Post instituta quaedam ecclesiastici ordinis-postrema nobis cunctis sacerdotibus sententia est, pro robore nostrorum regum et stabilitate gentis Gothorum pontificale, ultimum sub Deo judice ferre decretum. A long admonition to maintain fidelity to the kings. Then : Nullus apud nos praesumtione regnum arripiat, nullus excitet mutuas seditiones civium, nemo meditetur interitus regum: sed et defuncto in pace principe, primates totius gentis cum sacerdotibus successorem regni concilio communi constituant. Then follows the solemn condemnation of every one who should resist : Anathema sit in conspectu Dei Patris et angelorum, atque ab ecclesia catholica, quam profanaverit perjurio, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omni coetu Christianorum alienus cum omnibus impietatis suae sociis, etc. Finally: Anathema sit in conspectu Christi et apostolorum ejus, atque ab ecclesia cath. etc. as above. Finally, Anathema sit

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Thus the connection with Rome ceased." The bishop of the royal metropolis, Toledo, was primate of the Spanish Church,8 and raised himself to a self-reliance, which exhibited itself very decidedly even in opposition to the Roman see. King Witizia (701-710) at length broke off all connection with it ;10 but this

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in conspectu Spiritus Sancti, et martyrum Christi, etc.-But further on also: Te quoque praesentem regem, futurosque sequentium aetatum principes humilitate qua debemus deposcimus, ut moderati et mites erga subjectos existentes cum justitia et pietate populos a Deo vobis creditos regatis.-Ne quisquam vestrum solus in causis capitum aut rerum sententiam ferat, sed consensu publico, cum rectoribus, ex judicio manifesto delinquentium culpa patescat.-Sane de futuris regibus hanc sententiam promulgamus, ut si quis ex eis contra reverentiam legum, superba dominatione et fastu regio, in flagitiis et facinore, sive cupiditate crudelissimam potestatem in populis exercuerit, anathematis sententia a Christo domino condemnetur, et habeat a Deo separationem atque judicium, etc.

7 Cenni, ii. 46, 62, 154.

• Cenni, ii. 197.

9 From Gregorii M. lib. vii. Ep. 125, 126, it is plain that the same sent the pallium to Archbishop Leander of Seville. It may be that the latter was already dead († 599) when it came to him, so that for this reason no trace is found of his receiving it, as Cenni, ii. 225, supposes. That little value generally was attributed to the Roman pallium, is proved by the fact that the succeeding archbishops did not seek for it, and that, before the invasion of the Saracens, no other Roman pallium came to Spain, Cenni, ii. 252.-That selfreliance and independence are expressed particularly in the explanations of Archbishop Julian of Toledo, respecting the remarks made by Benedict II. against his confession of faith, in Conc. Toletan. xv. (688) ap. Mansi, xii. 9. They conclude with the words, p. 17 : Jam vero si post haec et ab ipsis dogmatibus patrum, quibus haec prolata sunt, in quocumque [Romani] dissentiant, non jam cum illis est amplius contendendum, sed, majorum directo calle inhaerentes vestigiis, erit per divinum judicium amatoribus veritatis responsio nostra sublimis, etiamsi ab ignorantibus aemulis censeatur indocilis.

10 Witizia is a remarkable example of the manner in which the clergy, treating of the historical persons of the middle ages, handled those who displeased them. The oldest writer of his history, Isidorus Pacensis (about 754. Chronicon in España Sagrada por Henrique Florez, t. viii. p. 282, ss.), speaks in highly commendatory terms of his reign. He notices the ecclesiastical regulations made under his sanction in two places; first at the Aera, 736 (698, p. C.), when Witiza reigned along with his father Egica, p. 296: Per idem tempus Felix, urbis Regiae Toletanae Sedis Episcopus, gravitatis et prudentia excellentia nimia pollet, et Concilia satis praeclara etiam adhuc cum ambobus Principibus agit. (To these councils also belongs Conc. Toletan. xviii. (701) at which, perhaps, the decrees above alluded to were enacted. Cf. Roderici Ximenii Hist. Hispan. iii. c. 15: Hic [Witiza] in ecclesia S. Petri, quae est extra Toletum, cum episcopis et magnatibus super ordinatione regni concilium celebravit, quod tamen in corpore canonum non habetur.) The second passage of Isidorus, p. 298: Per idem tempus (toward the end of Witiza's reign) divinae memoriae Sinderedus urbis Regiae Metropolitanus Episcopus sanctimoniae studio claret: atque longaevos et merito honorabiles viros, quos in suprafata sibi commissa Ecclesia repetit, non secundum scientiam zelo sanctitatis stimulat (probably he was zealous against unchastity) atque instinctu jam dicti Witizae Principis eos sub ejus tempore convexare non cessat. The first aspersions of Witiza appear in the Frankish Chron. Moissiacense (about 818) ad ann. 715, in Pertz Monumenta Germaniae Hist. i. 290: His temporibus in Spania super Gothos regnabat Witicha.-Iste deditus in feminis, exemplo suo sacerdotes ac populum luxuriose vivere docuit, irritans furorem Domini. Sarraceni tunc in Spania ingrediuntur. In Spain these aspersions first appear in the Chron. Sebastiani Episc. Salmanticensis seu Alphonsi III. Regis (about 866 in España Sagrada, t. xiii.) They have been extended and exaggerated by Rodericus Ximenius, archbishop of Toledo, in the historia Hispania (A.D. 1243) lib. iii. c. 15-17, and Lucas, Episc. Tudensi, in the continuation

step was attended with no important consequence, inasmuch as an incursion of the Saracens took place soon after.

§ 133.

ECCLESIASTICAL CONDITION OF THE BRITISH ISLANDS.

Among the Anglo-Saxons, Christianity had at first to struggle against heathenism with various fortune, but was afterward diffused by degrees in all the Anglo-Saxon states. Those who preached it were for the most part Roman missionaries; Northumberland alone being converted by the Scottish clergy, who introduced here the regulations of the ancient British Church. Old controversies between them and the Roman-English clergy were soon renewed; however, after a conference between both parties at the synod of Strenechal (now Whitby, not far from York, Synodus Pharensis 664), the king of Northumberland, Oswin, decided in favor of the Roman ordinances.1 And since the well-ordered schools of the Irish monas

of Isidore's Chronicon (A.D. 1236). After relating many infamous deeds of Witiza, it is stated by Rodericus, 1. c. c. 16, in Andr. Schotti Hispania illustrata (Francof. 1603. 4 tomi, fol.) ii. 62: Verum quia ista sibi in facie resistebant [clerici], propter vexationem pontificis [Episc. Toletani] ad Romanum pontificem appellabant. Vitiza facinorosus timens, ne suis criminibus obviarent, et populum ab ejus obedientia revocarent, dedit licentiam, immo praeceptum, omnibus clericis, ut uxores et concubinas unam et plures haberent juxta libitum voluptatis, et ne Romanis constitutionibus, quae talia prohibent, in aliquo obedirent, et sic per eos populus retineretur. Lucas Tudensis (ibid. iv. 69): Et ne adversus eum insurgeret s. ecclesia, episcopis, presbyteris, diaconibus et caeteris ecclesiae Christi ministris carnales uxores lascivus Rex habere praecepit, et ne obedirent Romano Pontifici sub mortis interminatione prohibuit. The state of the matter appears to have been this. Witiza, in conjunction with Sinderedus, archbishop of Toledo, opposed licentiousness in priests, and perceived that it could be eradicated only by allowing them to marry. The latter had been general among the Arians, and abolished when they joined the Catholic Church (cf. Conc. Tolet. iii. ann. 589, c. 5): Compertum est a sancto Concilio, Episcopos, Presbyteros et Diaconos venientes ex haerese carnali adhuc desiderio uxoribus copulari : ne ergo de cetero fiat, etc. Thus the prejudicial alteration, which had been introduced for one hundred years by the prohibition of the council, could be clearly noticed. Hence Witiza allowed priests to marry, and declared the Roman decretals, forbidding it, to be of no binding force. Comp. a defense of King Witiza by Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, translated into German, from the Spanish, in Büsching's Magazin für die neue Historie und Geographie, i. 379, ff. Aschbach's Gesch. der Westgothen, S. 303, ff.

1 Bedae Hist. eccl. gentis Anglorum, iii. 25. The remarkable conclusion of the dispute between the Scotch bishop, Colman, and the English presbyter, Wilfrid. The former appealed to Anatolius and Columba, the latter to Peter, and closed with the passage, Matth. xvi. 18: Tu es Petrus, etc. King Oswin then said: Verene, Colmane, haec illi Petro dicta sunt a Domino? Qui ait: vere, Rex. At ille: habetis, inquit, vos proferre aliquid

teries always attracted many young Anglo-Saxons to Ireland," and by this means might become dangerous to the Roman regulations, Rome sent forth into England, for the purpose of giving a check to this influence, the learned Theodore, born at Tarsus, as archbishop of Canterbury (668–690), and the abbot Hadrian, who every where strengthened the Roman ordinances, and, by the erection of schools, rendered those journies to Ireland superfluous. No less active in favor of the Romish Church was also Wilfrid, a noble Anglo-Saxon, who, even when a young priest, had turned the scale at the synod of Whitby, had been afterward for a time bishop of York; and, driven thence, had preached, not without fruit, to the Frieslanders; and, lastly, had converted Sussex (about 680, † 709), where heathenism remained longest among the Anglo-Saxons.

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tantae potestatis vestro Columbae datum? At. ille ait: nihil. Rursum autem Rex: si utrique vestrum, inquit, in hoc sine ulla controversia consentiunt, quod haec principaliter Petro dicta, et ei claves regni caelorum sunt datae a Domino? Responderunt: etiam utique. At ille ita conclusit: et ego vobis dico, quia hic est ostiarius ille, cui ego contradicere nolo, sed in quantum novi vel valeo, hujus cupio in omnibus obedire statutis, ne forte me adveniente ad fores regni caelorum, non sit qui reserat, averso illo qui claves tenere probatur. Haec dicente Rege faverunt assidentes quique sive adstantes, majores una cum mediocribus, et abdicata minus perfecta institutione, ad ea quae meliora cognoverant, sese transferre festinabant.

2 Beda, iii. 27: Multi nobilium simul et mediocrium de gente Anglorum,-relicta insula patria, vel divinae lectionis vel continentioris vitae gratia ilo secesserant. Et quidam quidem mox se monasticae conversationi fideliter mancipaverunt, alii magis circumeundo per cellas magistrorum lectioni operam dare gaudebant: quos omnes Scoti libentissime suscipientes, victum eis quotidianum sine pretio, libros quoque ad legendum et magisterium gratuitum praebere curabant. Cf. Murray in Nov. Comm. Soc. Gott. (see above, § 126, note 3) t. i. p. 109.

3 Beda, iv. 2. (Theodorus) peragrata insula tota, quaquaversum Anglorum gentes morabantur,-rectum vivendi ordinem, ritum celebrandri pascha canonicum, per omnia comitante et cooperante Adriano disseminabat. Isque primus erat archiepiscopus, cui omnis Anglorum ecclesia manus dare consentiret. Et quia literis sacris simul et saecularibus, ut diximus, abundanter ambo erant instructi, congregata discipulorum caterva, scientiae salutaris quotidie flumina irrigandis eorum cordibus emanabant: ita ut etiam metricae artis, astronomicae et arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplinam inter sacrorum apicum volumina suis auditoribus contraderent. Indicio est, quod usque hodie supersunt de eorum discipulis, qui latinam graecamque linguam aeque ut propriam, in qua nati sunt, norunt. Neque unquam prorsus ex quo Britanniam petierunt Angli, feliciora fuere tempora, dum et fortissimos christianosque habentes reges cunctis barbaris nationibus essent terrori, et omnium vota ad nuper audita caelestis regni gaudia penderent: et quicunque lectionibus sacris cuperent erudiri, haberent in promtu magistros qui docerent: et sonos cantandi in ecclesia-ab hoc tempore per omnes Anglorum ecclesias discere coeperunt, etc. 4 Vita S. Wilfridi by the contemporary Eddius (Addi), cognomento Stephanus (cantandi magister in Northumbrorum Ecclesiis, invitatus de Cantia a reverendissimo viro Wilfrido, Beda Hist. eccl. iv. 2), in Th. Gale Historiae Britannicae, Saxonicae, Anglodanicae Scriptores xv. Oxon. 1691. fol. p. 40. Lappenberg's Geschichte von England. Bd. 1 (Hamburg. 1834), S. 167.

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