confession of faith as they were to return to orthodoxy at the command of the next emperor, Anastasius II.3

3

In Syria, however, a small party of Monothelites remained for a long time. Here all Christian parties had a political importance. The Jacobites were favorable to the Arabians; the Catholics to the Greek emperors, hence called Melchites (from 4η). On the other hand, an independent party had collected in mount Libanus, about the monastery of St. Maro, who adopted the Monothelitic doctrines, chose for themselves a patriarch of Antioch (the first was John Maro, t 701), and under the name of Maronites continued to hold the doctrine of one will in Christ till the time of the Crusades."

4

3 The miserable spirit of the Greek bishops is particularly expressed in the exculpatory letter which John, who had been elevated to the see of Constantinople by Philippicus, addressed to Pope Constantine, after the state of things had been entirely changed (appended to Agathon's Epilogus ap. Combefis. p. 211, ss. Mansi, p. 195, ss.). Among other things he says: Οἴδατε γὰρ καὶ ὑμεῖς,—ὡς οὐ λίαν ἀντιτύπως καὶ σκληρῶς ἔχειν πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀνάγκην ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις, ἄνευ τινὸς τέχνης καὶ περινοίας καθέστηκεν εὐμαρές· ἐπεὶ καὶ Νάθαν ὁ προφήτης οὐκ ἀπερικάλυπτον τὸν ἔλεγχον τὸν περὶ τῆς μοιχείας τε καὶ τοῦ φόνου προσήγαγε τῷ Δαβὶδ, καίτοι καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ Δαβὶδ προφητικῷ τετιμημένου χαρίσματι. Κατὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἡμεῖς, ὅπερ φησὶν ὁ μέγας Βασίλειος, ἐνδιδόναι μικρὸν τῷ ἤθει τοῦ ἀνδρὸς κατεδεξάμεθα, ὥστε τὴν ἐν τοῖς καιρίοις τῆς πίστεως ὁμολογίαν, εἰ καὶ μὴ λέξεσιν, ἀλλάγε ταῖς ἐννοίαις φυλάττεσθαι ἀπαράβατον. Οὐ γὰρ ἐν λέξεσιν ἡμῖν, ἀλλ' ἐν πράγμασιν ἡ ἀλήθεια, ὁ θεῖος Γρηγόριος βοᾷ· καὶ πάλιν ἱκανῶς ἄτοπον καὶ λίαν αἰσχρὸν διορίζεται, τὸ περὶ τὸν ἦχον σμικρολογεῖσθαι.-Κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν τῆς οἰκονομικῆς καὶ κατὰ περίστασιν συμβάσεως τρόπον καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν γεγενημέ νων προελθεῖν πειθόμενοι, ἁγιώτατοι, μὴ ἀσύγγνωστον ἡμῖν τὸ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔγκλημα προσαγαγεῖν καταδέξησθε· ἀλλὰ κἄν τι τῆς ἀκριβείας ἡμῖν ἡμαρτῆσθαι ὑπονοῆται, τῇ παραθέσει τῶν ἐκ τῶν ἁγίων πατέρων ἡμῶν οἰκονομικῶς προελθόντων ἀπολυέσθω ἀνεύθυνον καὶ πάσης ἐλεύθερον κατακρίσεως. He then appeals to the bishops of the Robber Synod at Ephesus, who had condemned Flavian unjustly, καὶ ὅμως ἐν τῇ κατὰ Χαλκηδόνα ἁγίᾳ συνόδῳ ήρκεσε τούτοις πρὸς τελείαν ἀποτροπὴν τοῦ ἐγκλήματος ἡ τῆς ὑγιοῦς ὁμολογίας σύνθεσις, etc., and concludes that he has offered an ἀπολογίαν ἰσχυράν τε καὶ ἔννομον. 4 Johann. Damasc. Lib. de vera sententia c. 8. Epist. de Hymno trishagio, c. 5. Eutychii Annal. Alex. t. ii. p. 192.

5 The modern Maronite writers, namely, Abraham Echellensis in several works, Faustus Nayron Diss. de origine et religione Maronitarum. Rom. 1679. 8. Ejusd. Enoplia fidei catholicae. Ibid. 1694. 8. Assemani Bibl. orient. i. 496, have introduced confusion into the history of their sect, 1. By asserting that the Maronites were never Monothelites, but were always orthodox (in addition to the opposite reasons given by Renaudot Histor. patr. Alexandr. p. 149, ss. is the testimony of Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, about 725, de Haeresibus et Synodis, in the Spicilegium Romanum, vii. 65, that the Maronites rejected the sixth synod. The grounds given by both parties my be found in M. Le Quien Oriens christ. iii. 1. Walch's Ketzerhist. ix. 474); 2. By identifying the Mardaites (whose name is erroneously derived from 77) with the Maronites. On the contrary, Anquetil Duperron Recherches sur les migrations des Mardes, ancien peuple de Perse in the Mémoires de l'Acad. des Inscript. tome 50, p. 1, has shown that the Mardaites or Mards, a warlike people in Armenia, were placed as a garrison on Mount Libanus by Constantine Pogonatus A.D. 676 (Theophanes, p. 295), but withdrawn as early as 685 by Justinian II. (Theoph. p. 302, 8.)

THIRD CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.

$131.

ECCLESIASTICAL STATE OF ITALY.

Important for the history of this and the following period is Anastasii Bibliothecarii (about 870) Liber pontificalis, s. vitae Rom. Pontif.1 ed. C. Annib. Fabrotus, in the Corp. hist. Byz. t. xix. Paris. 1649. fol.; Fr. Blanchini. Rom. 1718-35. iv. t. fol. Jo. Vignolius. Romae. 1724. 4, with the biographies of the later popes in L. A. Muratorii Rerum Ital. scriptor. t. iii. p. i.-Liber diurnus Roman. Pontificum, collected about 715, prim. ed. Luc. Holstenius. Rom. 1658. 8.2 J. Garnerius. Paris. 1680. 4. (Supplementum in J. Mabillon Museum Italicum, i. i. 32. Paris. 1687. 4) reprinted in Chr. G. Hoffmanni Nova scriptorum ac monumentorum collect. t. ii. Lips. 1733. 4.

The political consequence of the popes in Italy increased, in proportion as the Greek emperors, now pressed by the Saracens

1 The Liber pontificalis has arisen from former Catalogi Pontificum which we know only in part. The first known catalogus, which was composed under Liberius, 354, and contains few other notices besides those relating to chronology, furnished ground for subsequently attributing to Damasus the first collection of the vitae Pontificum. The second known catalogus under Felix IV. (526–530) has taken the former into itself only in part, but enlarged it by other accounts. From these catalogues arose, at the end of the seventh century, the first edition of the Liber pontificalis, which concludes with Conon († 687) and is still extant in a Veronese and a Neapolitan MS. (see Pertz in the Archiv. d. Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, v. 68). The second edition of it in the Cod. Vatican 5269, concludes with Constantine († 714). The lives that follow were appended successively by contemporaries, and Anastasius can only have composed the last till Nicolaus I. († 868), and have published the book anew in this form. The lives of Hadrian II. and Stephen VI. († 891), subsequently added, are attributed to one Gulielmus Bibliothecarius. From what has been said, it may be seen how even Beda, Rabanus Maurus, Walafrid Strabo, could cite the Liber pontificalis; and how Pseudo-Isidorus could use it. Just as the older shorter lives, which merely furnish notices of time, and short accounts of ordinations, church buildings, regulations and arrangements of popes, and respecting martyrdoms and heresies, have become uncertain by the mixing up of doubtful traditions with true accounts; so, on the other hand, the more copious lives, from the end of the seventh century and on ward, have great historical value, as they were written by contemporaries. Cf. Emm. a Schelstrate de Antiquis Rom. pont. catalogis, ex quibus Lib. pontificalis concinnatus fuit, et de lib. pont. auctore ac praestantia. Jo. Ciampini Examen Lib. pontif. Fr. Blanchini praef. in Lib. pont., all together prefixed to Muratori's edition. See a description of the city of Rome by Platner, Bunsen, Gerhard, and Röstell, i. 206.

2 This edition, better than that of Garnier, was immediately suppressed by the Romish censors. Its history (see especially Baluzii. not. ad de Marca de Concord Sac. et Imp. lib. i. c. ix. § 8), and an account of its variations may be seen in Schoepflini Commentt. hist. crit. Basil. 1741. 4. p. 499, ss. In addition to the two codd. used by Holsten and Garnier, a third is noticed by Launojus Diss. de Lazari et Magdal. in provinciam adpulsu cap. 10, obs. 10.

3 Honorius I. from 625-638, Severinus † 640, John IV. † 642, Theodore † 649, Martin L VOL. I. 35

4

too, were forced to leave to them chiefly the defense of their Italian possessions against the Lombards. Still they continued subjects of the emperors, had to be confirmed by them in office," and paid them taxes." While the Monothelitic troubles gave the popes an opportunity of appointing a vicar even in Palestine now overrun by the Saracens," Martin I. was still made to feel bitterly the emperor's power; and Vitalianus was compelled to bow to Monothelitism supported by imperial patronage. But banished 654, † 655, but even in 654 Eugenius I. was again chosen, † 657, Vitalianus † 672, Adeodatus † 676, Domnus I. † 678, Agatho † 682, Leo II. † 683, Benedict II. † 685, John V. † 686, Conon † 687, Sergius I. † 701, John VI. † 705, John VII. † 707, Sisinnius † 708, Constantine † 714, Gregory II. † 731.

* Comp. above, § 117, note 26. Cf. Liber diurnus cap. ii. tit. iv. Account of the Romans de electione Pontificis ad Exarchum: Et ideo supplicantes quaesumus, ut inspirante Deo celsae ejus dominationi, nos famulos voti compotes celeriter fieri praecipiat: praesertim cum plura sint capitula, et alia ex aliis quotidie procreentur, quae curae solicitudinem et pontificalis favoris expectant remedium.-Propinquantium quoque inimicorum ferocitas, quam nisi sola Dei virtus atque Apostolorum Principis per suum Vicarium, hoc est Romanum Pontificem, ut omnibus notum est, aliquando monitis comprimit, aliquando vero flectit ac modigerat hortatu, singulari interventu indiget, cum hujus solius pontificalibus monitis, ob reverentiam Apostolorum Principis, parentiam offerant voluntariam : et quos non virtus armorum humiliat, pontificalis increpatio cum obsecratione inclinat. The popes possessed already some small forts; probably erected, in the first place, for protection of their patrimony. Thus Anastasius in vita xc. Gregorii II., relates, that the Lombards had taken from him the Cumanum castrum, and that the pope having in vain required them to surrender it, John, Dux Neapolitanus, retook it from them, and gave it back to the former possessor. Pro cujus redemptione lxx. auri libras ipse Sanctissimus Papa, sicut promiserat antea, dedit.

5 As had become customary under the Ostrogoth kings. Agatho, however, received from Constantine Pogonatus divalem jussionem, per quam relevata est quantitas, quae solita erat dari pro ordinatione Pontificis facienda: sic tamen, ut si contigerit post ejus transitum electionem fieri, non debeat ordinari qui electus fuerit, nisi prius decretum generale introducatur in regiam urbem secundum antiquam consuetudinem, et cum eorum conscientia et jussione debeat ordinatio provenire (Anastasius in vita lxxx. Agathonis). Benedict II. received from the same emperor the privilege ut persona, qui electus fuerit ad Sedem Apost. e vestigio absque tarditate Pontifex ordinetur (Anastasius in vita lxxxii. Bened.). Still, however, this did not obviate the necessity of confirmation. See the forms in Liber diurnus, cap. ii. de ordinatione Summi Pontificis. Namely, tit. 1. Nuntius ad Exarchum de transitu Pontificis. Tit. 2. Decretum de electione Pontificis. (Subscribed by totus Clerus, Optimates, et Milites seu Cives). Tit. 3. Relatio de electione Pontificis ad Principem. Tit. 4. De electione Pontificis ad Exarchum. On the same subject, tit. 5. ad Archiepisc. Ravennae, tit. 6. ad Judices Ravennae, tit. 7. ad Apocrisiarium Ravennae, to effect the speedy confirmation. Tit. 8. Ritus ordinandi Pontificis, and tit. 9. Professio pontificia.

6 Ex. gr. Anastas. in vita lxxxiv. Cononis: Hujus temporibus pietas Imperialis relevavit per sacram jussionem suam ducenta annonae capita (i. e. capitationem), quae patrimonii custodes Brutiae et Lucaniae annue persolvebant.

7 This was done by the popes Theodore and Martin I. during a vacancy in the see of Jerusalem, though the patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem protested against it. See lib. Stephani Episc. Dorensis ad Synod. Rom. (Mansi, t. x. p. 899), and Martini P. Epist. ad Johannem Episc. Philadelphiae (ibid. p. 805, ss.), comp. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, Th. 9. S 280, comp. S. 214 and 240.

by their triumph at the sixth synod the popes strengthened anew their ancient calling as defenders of the true faith; and began at this time to attribute to themselves the title Episcopus Universalis, which Gregory the Great had declared to be antichristian.9 The Quinisextum could no longer humble them in the west. When Justinian II. attempted to bring Pope Sergius I. to Constantinople to compel him to subscribe the decrees of the Quinisextum, the garrison of Ravenna rose in rebellion,1o and soon after (701) the mere suspicion of such an intention caused a new uproar against the exarch.11 Hence, in order to confirm his own authority in Italy, Justinian II. invited Pope Constantine to visit him, and overloaded him with exceedingly high marks of honor (710).12 The loose connection between Rome and the empire was soon after shown in the refusal of the former to obey the heretic Philippicus Bardanes (711713), 13

The oppressed Church of Africa now yielded to the clainis of Rome without resistance.14 On the other hand they still met with much opposition in Italy. The bishops of Ravenna

8

* Comp. Agathonis P. Ep. ad Imperatores (see above, § 128, note 14) ap. Mansi, xi. p 239 Petrus spirituales oves ecclesiae ab ipso redemptore omnium terna commendatione pascendas suscepit: cujus annitente praesidio haec apostólica ejus ecclesia nunquam a via veritatis in qualibet erroris parte deflexa est, cujus auctoritatem, utpote Apostolorum omnium principis, semper omnis catholica Christi ecclesia, et universales synodi fideliter amplectentes, in cunctis secutae sunt, etc.

9 So first in the Liber diurnus cap. iii. tit. 6, ap. Hoffmann, ii. 95, in the promissio fidei Episcopi, which falls between 682 and 685.

10 Anastasius vit. lxxxv. Sergii says: Sed misericordia Dei praeveniente, beatoque Petro Apostolo et Apostolorum Principe suffragante, suamque ecclesiam immutilatam servante, excitatum est cor Ravennatis militiae, etc.

11 Anastas. vit. lxxxvi. Joannis VI.

12 Anastas. vit. lxxxix. Constant. In die autem, qua se vicissim viderunt, Augustus Christianissimus cum regno in capite se prostravit, pedes osculans Pontificis.

13 Anastasii vit. lxxxix. Constant.-Pauli Diac. Hist. Longobard. vi. 34.

14 Comp. the letter of the African bishops to Pope Theodore in the Acts of the Conc. Lateran. ann. 649, Secretarius ii. (Mansi, x. 919): Magnum et indeficientem omnibus Christianis fluenta redundantem, apud apostolicam sedem consistere fontem nullus ambigere possit, de quo rivuli prodeunt affluenter, universum largissime irrigantes orbem Christianorum, cui etiam in honorem beatissimi Petri patrum decreta peculiarem omnem decrevere reverentiam in requirendis Dei rebus.-Antiquis enim regulis sancitum est, ut quidquid, quamvis in remotis vel in longinquo positis ageretur provinciis, non prius tractandum vel accipiendum sit, nisi ad notitiam almae sedis vestrae fuisset deductum, ut hujus auctoritate, juxta quae fuisset pronunciato, firmaretur, indeque sumerent caeterae ecclesiae velut de natali suo fonte praedicationis exordium, et per diversas totius mundi regiones puritatis incorruptae maneant fidei sacramenta salutis. Taken almost word for word from the letters of Innocent I. and Zosimus to the African bishops. Comp. the passages $94, notes 20, 35.

ventured to build higher claims on the fact that their city was the seat of the exarch, in accordance with Grecian principles, and even maintained for some time the independent management of the Church of the exarchate, when Rome would not accommodate herself to the imperial Monothelitism.15 Among the Lombards catholicism found many adherents since the time of Queen Theodelinda and her son King Adelwald (616–620); and from the time of King Grimoald († 671) became the prevailing system among them.16 Still, however, they remained at variance with the popes; 17 and Upper Italy asserted its ecclesiastical independence.1 Theological learning continued to be in a low state in Italy.'

19

§ 132.

ECCLESIASTICAL STATE OF FRANCE AND SPAIN.

The superior dignity of the Romish Church was the more readily admitted in the west on account of its being the only

15 Anastas. vit. lxxix. Domini I. (676-678): Hujus temporibus Ecclesia Ravennatum, quae se ab Ecclesia Romana segregaverat causa autocephaliae, denuo se pristinae Sedi Apostolicae subjugavit. Vit. lxxxi. Leonis II. (683-684): Hujus temporibus percurrente divali jussione clementissimi Principis restituta est Ecclesia Ravennatis sub ordinatione Sedis Apostolicae.-Typum autocephaliae, quem sibi elicuerant, ad amputanda scandala Sedis Apostolicae restituerunt.

16 Though always mixed with idolatry still. See vita S. Barbati (bishop of Benevent. † 682) in the Actis Sanct. Febr. iii. 139: His diebus quamvis sacri baptismatis unda Longobardi abluerentur, tamen priscum gentilitatis ritum tenentes, sive bestiali mente degebant, bestiae simulacro, quae vulgo Vipera nominatur, flectebant colla, quae debite suo debebant flectere creatori. Quin etiam non longe a Beneventi moenibus devotissime sacrilegam colebant arborem, in qua suspenso corio, cuncti qui aderant terga vertentes arbori, celerius equitabant, calcaribus cruentantes equos, ut unus alterum posset praeire, atque in eodem cursu retroversis manibus in corium jaculabantur, sicque particulam modicam ex eo comedendam superstitiose accipiebant. Et quia stulta illic persolvebant vota, ab actione nomen loco illi, sicut hactenus dicitur, Votum imposuerunt. 17 Planck's Gesch. d. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. ii. 669, ff.

18 It is true that there is also found an indiculum (sacramenti) Episcopì de Longobardia in the Liber diurnus cap. iii. tit. 8, but such an oath was taken only by the bishops of the Roman patriarchal territory (the middle and south of Italy), who were now under the Lombard dominion.

19 This is clear, particularly from Agathonis Ep. ad Impp. in the Actis Syn. Constantinop. ann. 680, Act. iv. (ap. Mansi, xi. 235), where he repeatedly says of the legates whom he sends to the council: Non nobis eorum scientia confidentiam dedit, with the general remark: Nam apud homines in medio gentium positos et de labore corporis quotidianunz victum cum summa haesitatione conquirentes, quomodo ad plenum poterit inveniri scrip turarum scientia?