universalis, olkovμevikós (587).29 Even Pelagius II. grew very οἰκουμενικός warm respecting it,30 and still more Gregory the Great. These popes rejected that appellation altogether, as anti-Christian and devilish; without, however, making the desired impression on the Emperor Maurice and the court patriarch.31 So much the more, therefore, did Gregory thank Providence when Maurice's murderer Phocas (602) ascended the throne; 32 and Phocas 29 At first applied by flatterers to all patriarchs. See § 93, note 20, § 94, note 72. Ziegler Gesch. der kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 259. Justinian gives the patriarch of Constantinople the title, τῷ ἁγιωτάτῳ καὶ μακαριωτάτῳ ἀρχιεπισκόπῳ τῆς βασιλίδος Taúτns Tóλews kaì oikovμevik@ яатριáрxη. Cod. i. 1, 7. Novell. iii. v. vi. vii. xvi. xlii. 30 Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 18, 43, ix. 68. The letter viii. Pelagii ad universos Episce. (Mansi, ix. 900) relative to this point is Pseudo-Isidorian. See Blondelli Pseudo-Isidorus, p. 636, ss. 31 Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 18, ad Johann.-Si ergo ille (Paulus) membra dominici corporis certis extra Christum quasi capitibus, et ipsis quidem Apostolis subjici partialiter evitavit (1 Cor. i. 12, ss.): tu quid Christo, universalis scilicet Ecclesiae capiti, in extremi judicii es dicturus examine, qui cuncta ejus membra tibimet conaris universalis appellatione supponere? Quis, rogo, in hoc tam perverso vocabulo, nisi ille ad imitandum proponitur, qui despectis Angelorum legionibus secum socialiter constitutis, ad culmen conatus est singularitatis erumpere, ut et nulli subesse et solus omnibus praeesse videretur? Certe Petrus Apostolorum primus, membrum sanctae et universalis Ecclesiae, Paulus, Andreas, Johannes, quid aliud quam singularium sunt plebium capita? et tamen sub uno capite omnes membra Numquid non-per venerandum Chalcedonense Concilium hujus apostolicae sedis Antistites, cui Deo disponente deservio, universales oblato honore vocați sunt? (Comp. § 94, note 72.) Sed tamen nullus umquam tali vocabulo appellari voluit, nullus sibi hoc temerarium nomen arripuit: ne si sibi in Pontificatus gradu gloriam singularitatis arriperet, hanc omnibus fratribus denegasse videretur. Ep. 19, ad Sabinianum Diac. (Apocrisiarium.) Ep. 20, ad Mauricium Aug. Ep. 21, ad Constantinam Aug. Ep. 43, ad Eulogium Ep. Alexandr. et Anastasium Antiochenum. Lib. vii. Ep. 4, 5, and 31, ad Cyriacum Ep. Constant. Ep. 27, ad Anastas. Antioch. Ep. 33, ad Mauricium Aug.: De qua re mihi in suis jussionibus Dominorum Pietas praecipit, dicens, ut per appellationem frivoli nominis inter nos scandalum generari non debeat. Sed rogo, ut Imperialis Pietas penset, quia alia sunt frivola valde innoxia, atque alia valde nociva. Numquidnam cum se Antichristus veniens Deum dixerit, frivolum valde erit, sed tamen nimis perniciosum? Si quantitatem sermonis attendimus, duae sunt syllabae; si vero pondus iniquitatis, universa pernicies. Ego autem fidenter dico, quia quisquis se universalem Sacerdotem vocat, vel vocari desiderat, in elatione sua Antichristum praecurrit, quia superbiendo se caeteris praeponit. Nec dispari superbia ad errorem ducitur, quia sicut perversus ille Deus videri vult super omnes homines: ita quisquis iste est, qui solus Sacerdos appellari appetit, super reliquos Sacerdotes se extollit. Ep. 34, ad Eulogium Alex. et Anastas. Ant. How earnestly Gregory rejected for himself this title, may be seen in lib. viii. Ep. 30, ad Eulogium Ep. Alex. above, note 18. According to Johannes Diac. (about 825) in vita Greg. M. ii. 1, Gregory may have assumed the title servus servorum Dei, to put to shame the patriarch of Constantinople. Even Augustine calls himself, Ep. 130 and 217, servus servorum Christi, Fulgentius Ep. 4, servorum Christi famulas. Among Gregory the Great's letters, there are now only three before which he so styles himself. But even so late as the eleventh century other bishops too, as well as kings and emperors, employed this title. See du Fresne Glossar. ad scriptt. med. et. inf. lat. s. v. servus. 32 Comp. the congratulatory letter of Gregory, lib. xiii. Ep. 31, ad Phocam Imp., Ep. 38, ad Leontiam Aug. repaid the pope's favor by taking his part against the patriarch,33 though after him that disputed title was constantly used by the see of Constantinople.34 35 At this time the popes also began to bestow the pallium (which all bishops in the east received at their consecration) on the most distinguished bishops of the west, for the purpose of symbolizing and strengthening their connection with the Church of Rome.36 33 The patriarcn Cyriacus was an adherent of Maurice (Theophanes, i. 446, 453). Anastasius de vitis Pontific. c. 67, Bonifacius, iii.: Hic obtinuit apud Phocam Principem, ut Sedes apostolica b. Petri Apostoli caput esset omnium ecclesiarum, i. e., Ecclesia Romana, quia Ecclesia Constantinopolitana primam se omnium Ecclesiarum scribebat. With the same words Paulus Warnefridi de Gestis Longob. iv. 37. Doubted by J. M. Lorenz Examen decreti Phocae de primatu Rom. Pont. Argent. 1790. Schröckh, xvii. 72. Remarkable is the view of the subject taken by the Ghibelline Gotfridus Viterbiensis (about 1186), in his Pantheon, p. xvi. (Pistorii Rer. Germ. scriptt. ed. Struve, ii. 289): Tertius est Papa Bonifac us ille benignus, Qui petit a Phoca munu per secula dignum, Est modo Romana, meliori dogmate clara. 34 Even Heraclius, successor of Phocas, in his laws gives again this title to the patriarch of Constantinople. See Leunclavii Jus Graeco-Romanum, t. i. p. 73, ss. 35 See above, § 101, note 1. Against the opinion almost universally adopted from Petrus de Marca de conc. Sac. et Imp. lib. vi. c. 6, that the old pallium, a splendid mantle, was a part of the imperial dress, and therefore bestowed only by the emperors, or with their permission by the patriarchs, see J. G. Pertsch de Origine, usu, et auctoritate, pallii archiepiscopalis. Helmst. 1754. 4. p. 56, ss. 36 The oldest document on the subject is Symmachi P. Ep. ad Theodorum Laureacensem (Mansi, viii. p. 228) about 501: Diebus vitae tuae palli usum, quem ad sacerdotalis officii decorem et ad ostendendam unanimitatem, quam cum b. Petro Apostolo universum gregem dominicarum ovium, quae ei commissae sunt, habere dubium non est, ab apostolica sede, sicut decuit, poposcisti, quod utpote ab eisdem Apostolis fundatae ecclesiae majorum more libenter indulsimus ad ostendendum te magistrum et archiepiscopum, tuamque sanctam Laureacensem ecclesiam provinciae Pannoniorum sedem fore metropolitanam. Idcirco pallio, quod ex apostolica caritate tibi destinamus, quo uti debeas secundum morem ecclesiae tuae, solerter admonemus pariterque volumus, ut intelligas, quia ipse vestitus, quo ad missarum solemnia ornaris, signum praetendit crucis, per quod scito te cum fratribus debere compati ac mundialibus illecebris in affectu crucifigi, etc. (The formula in the liber diurnus, cap. iv. tit. 3, is abbreviated from this epistle.) According to Vigilii P. Ep. vii. ad Auxanium Arelatensem (Mansi, ix. p. 42), Symmachus also invested Caesarius, bishop of Arles, with the pallium. These investitures became more frequent under Gregory the Great, not only of metropolitans, as John of Corinth, Leo of Prima Justinianea, Vigilius of Arles, Augustine of Canterbury, but also simple bishops, as of Donus of Messina, John of Syracuse, John of Palermo, etc. See Pertsch. 1. c. p. 134, ss. Though Vigilius P. Ep. vi. ad Auxanium Arelatensem (Mansi, ix. p. 40), writes: De his vero, quae Caritas vestra tam de usu pallii, quam de aliis sibi a nobis petiit debere concedi, libenti hoc animo etiam in praesenti facere sine dilatione potuimus, nisi cum christianissimi Domini filii nostri imperatoris hoc, sicut ratio postulat, voluissemus perficere notitia; and Gregorius i. lib. ix. Ep. 11, ad Brunichildem Reginam, while he mentions to Synagrius, bishop of Autun, gifted with the pallium, the necessity of the imperial approbation; yet it was probably sought for only when hostile relations existed with the kingdom to which the FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF MONACHISM. § 118. THE LITERATURE MAY BE SEEN IN THE PREFACE TO § 95. 1 In the east, monachism continued in its manifold forms.1 Justinian favored it by his laws, though he endeavored to restrain the irregular wanderings of the Coenobites. While 3 pallium was sent. See Pertsch, 1. c. p. 196, ss. That a tax was early connected with this investiture, see Gregorii i. lib. v. Ep. 57, ad Johannem Episc. Corinth. (also ap. Gratianus dist. C. c. 3): Novit autem fraternitas vestra, quia prius pallium nisi dato commodo non dabatur. Quod quoniam incongruum erat, facto Concilio tam de hoc quam de ordinationibus aliquid accipere sub districta interdictione vetuimus. The decree referred to is in Mansi, ix. p. 1227. Ρ. 1 Comp. the description, Evagrius, i. 21. The spirit of the oriental monks of this period may be gathered from Johannis Moschi (about 630) λειμών, pratum spirituale (in Latin in Herib. Rosweydi Vitae patrum. Antverp. 1615. fol. p. 855, ss. The Greek original, though defective is found in Frontonis Ducaei Auctarium bibl. PP. ii. 1057. The chasms are supplied in Cotelerii Monum. Eccl. Gr. ii. 341). Even here complaints of the decay of monachism appear, ex. gr. c. 130 : Οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν τὴν ἐγκράτειαν καὶ τὴν ἀκτημο σύνην μέχρι θανάτου ἐτήρησαν, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐπλατύναμεν τὰς κοιλίας ἡμῶν καὶ βαλάντια, κ. τ. λ. Cf. cap. 52 and 168. 2 Cod. Justin. i. 3, 53 (A.D. 532), forbids, μηδένα παντελῶς, μήτε βουλευτὴν μήτε ταξεώτην ἐπίσκοπον ἢ πρεσβύτερον τοῦ λοιποῦ γίνεσθαι, but adds: Πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἐκ νηπίας ἡλικίας, καὶ οὔπω τὴν ἔφηβον ἐκβάσης, ἔτυχε τοῖς εὐλαβεστάτοις μοναχοῖς ἐγκαταλε λεγμένος, καὶ διαμείνας ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ σχήματος· τηνικαῦτα γὰρ ἐφίεμεν αὐτῷ καὶ πρεσβυτέρῳ γενέσθαι, καὶ εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν ἐλθεῖν,—τὴν τετάρτην μέντοι μοῖραν τῆς αὐτοῦ περιουσίας ἁπάσης παρέχων τοῖς βουλευταῖς, καὶ τῷ δημοσίῳ. § 3: Ετι θεσπίζομεν, εἴτε ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ μονήρη βίον ἐλθεῖν βουληθείη, εἴτε γυνὴ τὸν ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσα πρὸς ἄσκησιν ἔλθοι, μὴ τοῦτο αὐτὸ ζημίας παρέχειν πρόφασιν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν οἰκεῖα πάντως λαμβάνειν. Cf. Novell. cxxiii. c. 40 : Εἰ δὲ συνεστῶτος ἔτι τοῦ γάμου ὁ ἀνὴρ μόνος ἢ ἡ γυνὴ μόνη εἰσέλθῃ εἰς μοναστήριον, διαλυέσθω ὁ γάμος, καὶ δίχα ῥεπουδίου. (On the other hand Gregorius M. lib. xi. Ep. 45 : Si enim dicunt, religionis causa conjugia debere dissolvi, sciendum est, quia etsi hoc lex humana concesssit, divina lex tamen prohibuit. Cf. Bingham, vol. iii. p. 45.) Cod. Just. i. 3, 55 : Ut non liceat parentibus impedire, quominus liberi eorum volentes monachi aut clerici fiant, aut eam ob solam causam exheredare (cf. Nov. cxxiii. c. 41). Nov. v. c. 2, allows slaves to go into convents contrary to the will of their masters. * Novella v. de Monachis (A.D. 535), cap. 4: Εἰ δέ τις ἅπαξ ἑαυτὸν καθιερώσας τῷ μοναστηρίῳ, καὶ τοῦ σχήματος τυχών, εἶτα ἀναχωρῆσαι τοῦ μοναστηρίου βουληθείη, καὶ ἰδιώτην τυχὸν ἑλέσθαι βίον· αὐτὸς μὲν ἔστω, ποίαν ὑπὲρ τούτου δώσει τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀπολογίαν, τὰ πράγματα μέντοι ὁπόσα ἂν ἔχοι ἡνίκα εἰς τὸ μοναστήριον εἰσῄει, ταῦτα τῆς δεσποτείας ἔσται τοῦ μοναστηρίου καὶ οὐδ ̓ ὁτιοῦν παντελῶς ἐξάξει. Cap. 7: Εἰ δὲ ἀπο the Stylites in the east still attracted the highest wonder, especially one Daniel, in the neighborhood of Constantinople, under the Emperors Basiliscus and Zeno, an attempt in the neighborhood of Treves to imitate them was interdicted by the bishops of the place. On the other hand, the karepyμévo of the east, found many admirers especially in Gaul, (Reclausi, Recluses). 6 5 § 119. BENEDICTINES. Jo. Mabillonii Annales ordinis S. Benedicti, vi. tomi (the 6th, edited by Edm. Martene, reaches to the year 1157). Paris. 1703-1739. auct. Luccae. 1739–1745. fol.-Lucae Dacherii et Jo. Mabillonii acta Sanctorum Ord. S. Benedicti (six centuries to 1100), ix. voll. 1668-1701. fol. In the west, Benedict, a native of Nursia in Umbria,1 gave a new form to the monastic life. After he had long lived a hermit's life, he founded a convent on a mountain in Campania, where the old castrum Cassinum was situated (hence called monasterium Cassinense, monte Cassino). Here he introduced a new system of rules (529) which mitigated the extreme λιπὼν τὸ μοναστήριον, καθ' ὅπερ τὴν ἄσκησιν εἶχεν, εἰς ἕτερον μεταβαίνοι μοναστήριον, καὶ οὕτω μὲν ἡ αὐτοῦ περιουσία μενέτο τε καὶ ἐκδικείσθω ὑπὸ τοῦ προτέρου μοναστηρίου, ἔνθα ἀποταξάμενος τοῦτο κατέλιπε. προσῆκον δέ ἐστι τοὺς εὐλαβεστάτους ἡγουμένους μὴ εἰσδέχεσθαι τὸν τοῦτο πράττοντα. 4 Acta Danielis, ap. Surium ad d. 11 Dec. 5 Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc. viii. 15. 6 Ex. gr., Gregor. Tur. ii. 37, v. 9, 10, vi. 6. 1 His biographer is Gregorius M. in Dialogorum lib. secundo. 2 Regula Benedicti in 73 capp. in Hospinian and many others, best in Luc. Holstenii Codex regularum monastic. et canon. (Romae. 1661. iii. voll. 4), auctus a Marian. Brockie (August. Vindel. 1759. vi. tomi fol.) i. 3, and thence in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xi. 298. Among the numerous commentaries the best are by Edm. Martene, Paris. 1690. 4, and by Augustin Calmet, Paris. 1734. t. ii. 4. General regulations: Cap. 64: In Abbatis ordinatione illa semper consideretur ratio, ut hic constituatur, quem sibi omnis concors congregatio secundum timorem Dei, sive etiam pars, quamvis parva, congregationis, saniori consilio, elegerit. Cap. 65: Quemcunque elegerit Abbas cum consilio fratrum timentium Deum, ordinet ipse sibi Praepositum. Qui tamen Praepositus illa agat cum reverentia, quae ab Abbate suo ei injuncta fuerint, nihil contra Abbatis voluntatem aut ordinationem faciens. Cap. 21: Si major fuerit congregatio, eligantur de ipsis fratres boni testimonii et sanctae conversationis, et constituantur Decani, qui solicitudinem gerant super Decanias suas. Cap. 3: Quoties aliqua praecipua agenda sunt in monasterio, convocet Abbas omnem congregationem, et dicat ipse unde agitur. Et audiens consilium fratrum, tractet apud se, et quod utilius judicaverit faciat. Si qua vero minora agenda sunt in monasterii utilitatibus, seniorum tantum utatur consilio. Cap. 5: Primus humilitatis gradus est obedientia sine mora. Haec convenit iis, qui nihil sibi Christo carius aliquid existimant ; propter servitium sanctum, quod professi sunt, seu propter metum gehennae, vel gloriam 3 5 rigor of the eastern monks, prescribed a variety of suitable employments, but was distinguished especially by this, that it exacted a promise from all who entered, never to leave the monastery again, and strictly to observe its rules. This system was soon diffused in Italy, Gaul, and Spain. Instead of the former diversity of monasteries, unity now appeared; and thus arose the first proper monastic order or association of many monasteries under a peculiar rule. The straitening of vows in this Benedictine rule was followed by the declaration of marriage being invalid in the case of monks; while the monks and nuns vitae aeternae, mox ut aliquid imperatum a majore fuerit, ac si divinitus imperetur, moram pati nesciunt in faciendo. 3 Cap. 39, appoints for the daily food cocta duo pulmentaria (ut forte, qui ex uno non poterit edere, ex alio reficiatur). Et si fuerint inde poma aut nascentia leguminum, addatur et tertium. Farther panis libra una, and, cap. 40, hemina vini (different opinions concerning the hemina, see in Martene Comm. in Reg. S. Bened. p. 539, ss.). On the other hand, carnium quadrupedum ab omnibus abstineatur comestio, praeter omnino debiles et aegrotos. Cap. 36: Balneorum usus infirmis, quoties expedit, offeratur. Sanis autem, et maxime juvenibus, tardius concedatur. * Cap. 48: Otiositas inimica est animae: et ideo certis temporibus occupari debent fratres in labore manuum, certis iterum horis in lectione divina. Between these the horae canonicae, namely the Nocturnae vigiliae, Matutinae, Prima, Tertia, Sexta, Nona, Vespera, and Completorium (see respecting them cap. 8-19). Cap. 16 justified by Ps. cxix. 164: Septies in die laudem dixi tibi, and v. 62: Media nocte surgebam ad confitendum tibi. Comp. § 95, note 8. 5 Cap. 58: After ordering a probation time of the noviter venientis ad conversionem: si habita secum deliberatione promiserit se omnia custodire et cuncta sibi imperata servare, tunc suscipiatur in congregatione, sciens se jam sub lege regulae constitutum, quod ei ex illa die non liceat egredi de monasterio, nec collum excutere de subjugo regulae, quam sub tam morosa deliberatione licuit aut excusare, aut suscipere. Suscipiendus autem in oratorio coram omnibus promittat de stabilitate sua, et conversione morum suorum, et obedientia coram Deo et sanctis ejus, ut si aliquando aliter fecerit, ab eo se damnandum sciat, quem irridet. De qua promissione sua faciat petitionem ad nomen Sanctorum, quorum reliquiae ibi sunt, et Abbatis praesentis. Quam petitionem manu sua scribat, aut certe, si non scit literas, alter ab eo rogatus scribat, et ille novitius signum faciat, et manu sua eam super altare ponat. Cap. 59: Si quis forte de nobilibus offert filium suum Deo in monasterio, si ipse puer minori aetate est, parentes ejus faciant petitionem, quam supra diximus. Et cum oblatione ipsam petitionem et manum pueri involvant in palla altaris, et sic eum offerant. Cap. 66: Monasterium autem, si possit fieri, ita debet construi, ut omnia necessaria, id est aqua, molendinum, hortus, pistrinum, vel artes diversae intra monasterium exerceantur, ut non sit necessitas Monachis vagandi foras, quia omnino non expedit animabus eorum. 6 The older appointment (see § 95, note 49), that the breaking of the vow should be punished with church-penance, is still repeated by Leo I. Ep. 90, ad Rusticum, c. 12, (Propositum monachi-deseri non potest absque peccato. Quod enim vovit Deo, debet et reddere. Unde qui relicta singularitatis professione ad militiam vel ad nuptias devolutus est, publicae poenitentiae satisfactione purgandus est), and Gelasius I. Ep. 5, ad Episc. Lucaniae (ap. Gratian. Causa xxvii. Qu. 1, c. 14). Also Conc. Aurelian. i. ann. 511, c. 21, pre-supposes the validity of marriage. (Monachus si in monasterio conversus vel pallium comprobatus fuerit accepisse, et postea uxori fuerit sociatus, tantae praevarica tionis reus nunquam ecclesiastici gradus officium sortiatur.) On the contrary, first, the |