these in their turn contributed to increase the contempt of which they were the offspring. § 17. CONDITION OF THE JEWS OUT OF PALESTINE. J. Remond Geschichte der Ausbreitung des Judenthums von Cyrus bis auf den gänzlichen Untergang des jüd. Staats. Leipz. 1789. 8. Jost's Gesch. d. Israeliten. Th. 2. S. 262. The Jewish people were by no means confined to Palestine. Only the smaller part of them had availed themselves of the permission of Cyrus to return to their native land, and therefore numbers had remained behind in Babylonia, who, doubtless, spread themselves farther toward the east, so that in the first century they were very considerable (οὐκ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες, Jos. Ant. xv. 3, 1). In Arabia, the kings of the Homerites (about 100 B.C.) had even adopted the Jewish religion, and subsequently it had reached the throne of Adiabene, by the conversion of King Izates, (about 45 A.D., comp. Jos. Ant. xx. 2). At the building of Alexandria, Alexander the Great brought a colony of Jews to settle there, (Jos. de B. J. ii. 36); more were brought by Ptolemy Lagus to Egypt, Cyrene, and Lybia, (Jos. Ant. xii. 2, 4); and the Jews were very numerous in these places, (1,000,000, Philo in Flacc. p. 971. In Alexandria two-fifths of the population, ibid. p. 973). By trade they soon became rich and powerful. Many Jewish colonists had also been carried into Syria by Seleucus Nicanor (Jos. Ant. xii. 3, 1), especially to Antioch, where, in after times, a great part of the population consisted of Jews (Jos. de B. J. vii. 3, 3). Antiochus the Great was the first who sent a Jewish colony to Phrygia and Lydia (Jos. 1. c.), and from these two countries they had spread themselves not only over the whole of Asia numen adorant). Others thought that they worshiped Bacchus (Plutarch Sympos. iv. Qu. 5, Tacit. Hist. 5. 5). According to others, the object of adoration was an ass's head (Apion ap. Jos. c. Ap ii. 7. Tacit. Hist. 5. 4. Plut. 1. c.) According to others, a swine (Plutarch 1. c. Petronius in fragm.: Judaeus, licet et Porcinum numen adoret, &c.) Comp. the fable of the Jews sacrificing every year a Greek, and eating of his flesh (Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 8). Jo. Jac. Huldrici gentilis obtrectator s. de calumniis gentilium in Judaeos et in primaevos Christianos. Tiguri. 1744. 8. 1 1 C. E. Varges de statu Aegypti provinciae Romanae I. et II. p. Chr. n. saeculis. Gottingae. 1842. 4. p. 18, 39, 46. VOL. 1.-4 Minor, but also over Greece. The first Jews in Rome had been brought as prisoners of war by Pompey. They afterward obtained their freedom (therefore they were styled libertini, Philo de legat. ad Caj. p. 1014, Tacit. Ann. ii. 85), received permission from Julius Caesar to erect synagogues (Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, 8), and soon occupied the greatest part of the city beyond the Tiber (Philo 1. c.). Thus, at the time of Christ it was not easy to find a country in the whole Roman empire in which the Jews did not dwell (Strabo, xiv. c. 2, Philo legat. ad Caj. p. 1031). All these widely dispersed Jews ( diaorоpá) considered Jerusalem as their common capital, the sanhedrim of that place as their ecclesiastical supreme court; and sent not only yearly contributions in money (Sispaxpa), and offerings to the temple (Philo de Monarch. lib. ii. p. 822, in Flace. 971, legat. ad. Caj. 1014, 1023, 1031, Cicero pro Flacc. 12, Tacit. Hist. 5, 5), but also frequently repaired thither to the great festivals (Philo de Monarch. lib. ii. p. 821), without detriment being done to this common sanctuary by the temple built in Leontopolis (152 B.C.) by Onias. They obtained peculiar privileges, not only in the places where they settled as colonists at the desire of the princes of the country, but Caesar had allowed them the free exercise of their religion, in a series of regulations enacted for the purpose, while he granted them several favors in relation to their law. But these very distinctions merely served to make them still more hated by their fellow-citizens, with whom, therefore, they had frequent quarrels. 2 3 2 The temple of Onias was as far from causing a schism among the Jews as the dispute between the Pharisees and Sadducees, although the building of it was disapproved by the Palestinian Jews. 3 By this, therefore, their synagogues were put into the class of collegia licita (see above, § 12). Comp. the decree of the Praetors C. Julius ap. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 8: Túïoç Kaîσαρ, ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος, ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν, μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν, οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν. ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων τούτους μόνους ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἵστασθαι. So also Augustus (Philo de legat. ad Cajum, p. 1035, 1036). 4 Comp. Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, 2, ff. Claudius, in his edict, gives briefly what was granted them, and what was required of them, (Jos. Ant. xix. 5, 3): 'Iovdaíovs roùs έV TAVTì Tậ ὑφ' ἡμᾶς κόσμῳ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη ἀνεπικωλύτως φυλάσσειν,-καὶ μὴ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν δεισιδαιμονίας ἐξουθενίζειν. Decreta Romana et Asiatica pro Judaeis ad cultum div.— secure obeundum-restituta a Jac. Gronovio. Lugd. Bat. 1712. 8. Decreta Romanorum pro Judaeis e Josepho collecta a J. Tob. Krebs. Lips. 1768. 8. Dav. Henr. Levyssohn disp. de Jud. sub Caesaribus conditione et de legibus eos spectantibus. Lugd. Bat. 1828. 4. 6 In the mean time, Judaism had been introduced in many ways among the heathen. It is true that only a few became complete converts to it by submitting to circumcision (proselytes of righteousness);5 but several, particularly women, attached themselves to it for the purpose of worshiping Jehovah as the one true God, without observing the Mosaic law (proselytes of the gate)," which was sufficient for those who were not Jews, according to the opinion of the more liberal Jewish expositors. Others, on the contrary, especially in Rome, which longed after foreign rites, felt themselves attracted, not so much by the religion, as by the religious ceremonial of the Jews. These individuals observed Jewish ceremonies without separating themselves on that account from heathen forms of worship, kept Jewish festivals, and trusted in Jewish conjurations. There 8 5 I. e., right, complete proselytes. Of such speaks Tacitus, Hist. v. 5: Circumcidere genitalia instituere, ut diversitate noscantur. Transgressi in morem eorum idem usurpant, nec quidquam prius imbuuntur, quam contemnere deos, exuere patriam; parentes, liberos, fratres vilia habere. Juvenal. Sat. xiv. 96, ff.? Quidam sortiti metuentem sabbata patrem, Judaicum ediscunt, et servant, ac metuunt jus, A list of existing proselytes is given by Causse in the Museum Haganum I. 549. 6 So almost all the women in Damascus, Joseph. de B. J. ii. 20, 2; so was Fulvia in the time of Tiberius, at Rome, voμíμois пpoσɛhn2vOvĩa roïç ’Iovdaïkoïç, Ant. xviii. 3, 5. So were many Judaizers in Syria, de B. J. ii. 18, 2, comp. the inscriptions in Hug, Einl. in d. N. T. 3te Aufl. ii, 339. Act. xiii. 50, xvii. 4. Comp. Strabo above, § 14, note 7. 7 Such was the name originally given to those who were not Jews, but to whom permission was granted to dwell as sojourners in Palestine, under the condition of observing certain laws (Levit. xvii. 8, ff., 77, Exod. xx. 10; Deut. v. 14). But now, under altered circumstances all heathens who attached themselves to Judaism by the voluntary observance of those precepts, received the same appellation. These precepts, which, in the opinion of the Jews, were delivered even to Noah (comp. Genesis, ix. 4, ff.), and in him to the whole human race, are said to be seven. 1. A prohibition of idolatry; 2. Blasphemy; 3. The shedding of human blood; 4. Incest; 5. Theft; '6. The command to practice righteousness; 7. To eat no blood, and no animal in which the blood still remains. See Seldenus de jure nat. et gent. lib. 1, c. 10. In the New Testament these proselytes are called φοβούμενοι τὸν θεόν, σεβόμενοι τ. θ. 8 The school of Hillel, to which Gamaliel, Paul's preceptor, belonged, allowed these proselytes a part in the kingdom of the Messiah; the school of Shammai excluded them from it-both with reference to Ps. ix. 18. See E. M. Roeth epistolam vulgo ad Hebraeos inscriptam non ad Hebraeos sed ad Ephesios datam esse. Francof. ad M. 1836. 8. p. 117. 126, ss. At the conversion of King Izates, Ananias was of the milder, Eleazer of the stricter views, Joseph. Ant. xx. c. 2. The later rabbins follow the opinion of Hillel, as they do in all disputes between these two schools. Othonis lexicon rabbin. p. 243. Roeth, p. 129. soon appeared, also, Jewish jugglers, who ministered to this heathen superstition as conjurors and soothsayers.9 At the same time, intercourse with the pagans could not exist without exerting some influence on the Jews. It must have partly smoothed away many rough points of their national character, and have partly communicated to them a great portion of the cultivation of the nations among whom they lived. A philosophical mode of treating their religion was developed especially at Alexandria, under the Ptolemies, in consequence of the study of Grecian philosophy, and thence a peculiar philosophy of religion, which may be traced from Aristobulus (about 160 B.C.), through the Book of Wisdom,1o and the Therapeutae,11 to its most distinguished representative Philo 9 On account of many impostors of this kind, Tiberius expelled the Jews from Rome, Jos. Ant. xviii. 3, 5. The Jewish festivals were kept by the heathen, Horat. Sat. i. 9, 69 : hodie tricesima sabbata: vin” tu Curtis Judaeis oppedere? Nulla mihi, inquam, The women in particular frequented them. Cultaque Judaeo septima sacra Syro (Ovid. Art. Amat. i. 75), cf. Selden de jure nat. et gent. lib. iii. c. 15, ss. Gottl. Wernsdorf de gentilium sabbato. Viteb. 1722. 4. For examples of Jewish conjurors see Acts xix. 13. Joseph. Antiq. viii. 2, 5 (Eleazer, who before Vespasian gave proofs of exorcism). Plinii Natur. Hist. xxx. c. 2: Est et alia magices factio a Mose et Janne et Jotape Judaeis pendens. Celsus accused the Jews (Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 21), αὐτοὺς σέβειν ἀγγέλους, καὶ γοητείᾳ προσκεῖσθαι, ἧς ὁ Μωϋσῆς αὐτοῖς γέγονεν ¿šnynτns. In regard to Jewish soothsayers see Juven. Sat. vi. 543 : Arcanam Judaea tremens mendicat in aurem, Implet et illa manum, sed parcius. Aere minuto In this way the Jewish names for deity came into the formulae of heathen impostors, thought at a later period; and were supposed to possess a peculiar magical power in union with the heathen appellations of God (Origines c. Cels. iv. p. 183, v. p. 262), and were found on gems; see my remarks in the Theol. Stud. u. Kritiken. 1830, Heft 2, p. 403. To this influence of Judaism Seneca refers, de superstitionibus (ap. Augustin. de civit. Dei, vi. 11): Cum interim usque eo sceleratissimae gentis consuetudo convaluit, ut per omnes jam terras, recepta sit, victi victoribus leges dederunt. Illi tamen causas ritus sui noverunt, sed major pars populi facit, quod cur faciat ignorat. It might be expected that with this heathen tendency many should make a mere external profession of Judaism. Hence we can explain why the Talmudists passed so severe a judgment on the Pharisees, although the latter were still very zealous in making proselytes at the time of Christ (Matth. xxiii. 15); Proselyti impediunt adventum Messiae, sunt sicut scabies Israeli, &c. Othonis lexicon rabbin. p. 491. Wagenseilii Sota, p. 754. 10 In regard to those traces, see generally, Gfrörer's Philo, ii. and Dähne's jüdisch-alex. Religionsphilosophie, ii. 11 Philo de vita contemplativa. The writings of Bellermann and Sauer mentioned in § 15, note 9. Gfrörer ii. 280. Dähne, i. 443. Later writers, by drawing unhistorical conclusions, have discovered Christian ascetics in the Therapeutae. So Eusebius Hist. eccles. ii. 17, († 41 A.D.)12 Though Philo's Platonic Judaism in this complete form was only the property of a few, yet the general ideas contained in it were widely diffused among the Hellenic Jews at that time, and afterward gained an important influence over the philosophy of religion which formed itself within the bosom of Christianity. This is especially the case with regard to the doctrine of Philo concerning the Logos, the God revealing himself in the finite, in whom the Mosaic creative word, and the Platonic ideal world, were united.13 § 18. THE SAMARITANS. The mixed people1 who had grown up into a society after the and all succeeding authors except Photius, cod. 104. The same opinion was held after the Reformation by most of the older historians of the Catholic and Episcopal English church (see the writings on both sides in Triglandii syntagma, see above, § 15, note 6), even Bern. de Montfaucon (not. ad Philon. de vit. contempl.), and L. A. Muratori (anecdot. graec. p. 330). The dispute of the former respecting this point, with Jo. Bouhier: Lettres pour et contre sur la fameuse question, si les solitaires appellez Therapeutes étoient Chrétiens. Paris. 1712. 8. Even Philo is said to have been on friendly terms with Peter at Rome, under Claudius (elç óμiλíav é20ɛïv Пéтρw, Euseb. 1. c. Hieron. catal. 11), from which afterward arose the fable that he had embraced Christianity and afterward forsook it (Photius cod. 105). Cf. Mangey praef. in Phil. Opp. 12 Opp. ed. A. Turnebus, Paris. 1552, in an improved edition by Dan. Hoeschelius. Col. Allobrog. 1613. Paris. 1640. Francof. 1691. fol. (citations are usually made according to the pages of the last two editions, which coincide in this respect). Thom. Mangey. Lond. 1742. 2 voll. fol. A manual edition by A. F. Pfeiffer. Erlang. 1785. 5 voll. 8, incomplete. In late times Angelo Mai found in the Greek language the writings of Philo de festo cophini and de parentibus colendis (Philo et Virgilii interpretes. Mediol. 1818, 8vo); and J. B. Aucher published in Latin several treatises preserved in an Armenian version (de providentia and de animalibus. Venet. 1822. fol. Philonis Jud. paralipomena Armena. ibid. 1826. fol.) All this has been taken into the latest manual edition by E. Richter. Lips. 1828-30. 8. tom. 8. Comp. F. Creuzer zur Kritik der Schriften des Juden Philo, in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1832. i. 1. Dähne's Bemerkungen über die Schriften des Philo. das. 1833, iv. 984. Philo's Lehrbegriff von E. H. Stahl (in Eichhorn's Bibl. d. bibl. Lit. iv. 5, 770). C. G. L. Grossmann quaestiones Philoneae. Lips. 1829. 4. A. Gfrörer's Philo u. die alexandrin. Theosophie. 2 Thle. Stuttgart. 1831. 8. A. F. Dähne's geschichtl. Darstellung der jüdisch-alexandrin. Religionsphilosophie. 2 Abthl. Halle. 1834. 8. 13 I can not agree with the prevailing view, that the strictly monotheistic Philo thought of the Logos as hypostatically different from God. Since the infinite can not be revealed in the finite, God was under the necessity, so to speak, of making himself finite for this purpose, i. e., of separating from his own infinite perfections a finite measure of ideas and powers. God, in this aspect, is the Logos. Accordingly, the Logos is less than God, the revealed God less than deity in himself, but not, on that account, a hypostasis different from God. In opposition to Hengstenberg, who (Beitr. zur Einleit. ins. A. T. ii. 1, 3) affirms, that |