(Haer. 78) against the 'Avridikopapiavíra, in Arabia (367); Jerome against Helvidius, in Rome (383); 27 and the Macedonian bishops against Bonosus, bishop of Sardica (392); 28 while it was also shown in what way she did not cease to be a virgin, notwithstanding the birth of Christ.29 Besides, the teachers of the Church in the fourth century did not refrain from speaking of the faults of Mary; 30 and Epiphanius includes certain enthusiastic women in his catalogue of heretics for their extravagant adoration of the Virgin (Koλ2vpidiavoí).31 The Nestorian controversy first led men to set her at the head of the host of saints, as the mother of God, 0ɛoтóKOÇ. Though it was the general belief that angels guarded inen, and presented their prayers to God, it was still thought unal 27 Hieron. adv. Helvidium, lib. in Opp. ed. Martianay, t. iv. P. ii. p. 129, ed. Vallarsi, t. ii. Concerning the Antidicomarianites and Helvidius see Walch's Ketzerhist. iii. 577. 28 Siricii Ep. 9 (comp. above, § 94, note 14). Walch, iii. 598. 29 Tertullianus de Carne Christi, c. 23: Agnoscimus ergo signum contradicibile (according to Luc. ii. 34) conceptum et partum virginis Mariae; de quo Academici isti: peperit, et non peperit; virgo, et non virgo.-Peperit, enim, quae ex sua carne: et non peperit, quae non ex virili semine. Et virgo, quantum a viro; non virgo, quantum a partu. Clemens Alex. Strom. vii. p. 889 : Τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ μέχρι νῦν δοκεῖ ἡ Μαριὰμ λεχὼ εἶναι διὰ τὴν τοῦ παιδίου γένησιν, οὐκ οὖσα λεχώ· καὶ γὰρ μετὰ τὸ τεκεῖν αὐτὴν μαιωθεῖσαν φασί TIVEÇ πaplévov εvрε0ñvaι. Epiphanius, Haer. lxxviii. § 19, does not hesitate to say, in reference to Luke ii. 23, Exod. xiii. 2: Οὗτός ἐστιν ἀληθῶς ἀνοίγων μήτραν μητρός. Οι the contrary, Ambrosius, Ep. 42 (al. 81, al. 7), ad Siricium P.: Haec est virgo, quae in utero concepit: virgo, quae peperit filium. Sic enim scriptum est: Ecce virgo in utero accipiet, et pariet filium (Es. vii. 14), non enim concepturam tantummodo virginem, sed et parituram virginem dixit. Quae autem est illa porta sanctuarii, porta illa exterior ad Orientem, quae manet clausa; et nemo, inquit, pertransibit per eam, nisi solus Deus Israel (Ezech. xliv. 2)? Nonne haec porta Maria est, per quam in hunc mundum redemtor intravit?... de qua scriptum est, quia Dominus pertransibit per eam, et erit clausa post partum; quia virgo concepit et genuit. Hieronymus adv. Pelagianos, lib. ii. (Opp. ed. Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 512): Solus enim Christus clausas portas vulvae virginalis aperuit quae tamen clausae jugiter permanserunt. Haec est porta orientalis clausa, per quam solus Pontifex ingreditur et egreditur, et nihilominus semper clausa est. 30 After the example of Irenaeus, iii. 18. Tertull. de Carne Christi, 7. Origines in Luc. Hom. 17:-Basilius Ep. 260 (al. 317) ad Optimum. Chrysostomus Hom. 45 in Matth. et Hom. 21 in Joh. On the other hand, Augustin. de Nat. et Grat. c. 36: Excepta sancta virgine Maria, de qua propter honorem Domini nullam prorsus, cum de peccatis agitur, haberi volo quaestionem,-si omnes illos sanctos-congregare possemus, et interrogare, utrum essent sine peccato, quid fuisse responsuros putamus? 31 Concerning them Epiphan. Haer. 78, § 23. Haer. 79. Anacephal. c. 79. Comp. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, iii. 625. F. Münter de Collyridianis in the Miscellanea Hafniensia, t. i. fasc. 2. Hafn. 1818. p. 153, ss. Their heresy was: 'Avтì fɛoû taútηv tapeiσáyɛw σπουδάζοντες,ὡς εἰς ὄνομα τῆς ἀειπαρθένου κολλυρίδα τινὰ ἐπιτελεῖν, καὶ συνάγεσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ εἰς ὄνομα αὐτῆς ἱερουργεῖν διὰ γυναικῶν. This usage is perhaps explained by Jerem. xliv. 19, where the women offer cakes to the Queen of Heaven; perhaps by Conc. Quinisexti, can. 79: "The birth of the Virgin was dλóxɛvтоs: hence no cake (σεμίδαλις) shall be presented after the birthday of Christ προφάσει τιμῆς λοχειῶν τῆς ἀχράντου παρθενομήτορος.” lowable to address them, because of the passages, Coloss. ii. 18, Revelation of John xix. 10; xxii. 8, 9.32 Ambrose is the first who recommends seeking the intercession of the guardian angel;33 but as yet the Christians had not adopted a more general worship of angels. 34 The cross, always a highly honored symbol among Christians,35 had been more superstitiously venerated ever since the time when Constantine believed that he owed to it his victory over Maxentius.36 But after the tradition had spread, from the end of the fourth century, that Helena (326) had discovered the true cross of Christ, 37 relics and even imitations of it began to 32 Concil. Laodic. can. 35: Ότι οὐ δεῖ Χριστιανοὺς ἐγκαταλείπειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἀπιέναι καὶ ἀγγέλους ὀνομάζειν, κ. τ. λ. Dionys. Exig. translates : Atque angelos (var. lect. angulos) nominare. Cf. Theodoret, ad Coloss. ii. 18: Oi rõ voμợ ovvnγοροῦντες, καὶ τοὺς ἀγγέλους σέβειν αὐτοῖς εἰσηγοῦντο, διὰ τούτων λέγοντες δεδόσθαι τὸν νόμον. ἔμεινε δὲ ταῦτο τὸ πάθος ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ καὶ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι πολλοῦ· οὗ δὴ χάριν καὶ συνελθοῦσα σύνοδος ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ τῆς Φρυγίας νόμῳ κεκώλυκε τὸ τοῖς ἀγγέλοις προσεύχεσθαι· καὶ μέχρι δὲ τοῦ νῦν εὐκτήρια τοῦ ἁγίου Μιχαὴλ παρ' ἐκείνοις καὶ τοῖς ὁμόροις ἐκείνων ἐστὶν ἰδεῖν. τοῦτο τοίνυν συνεβούλευον ἐκεῖνοι γίνεσθαι, ταπεινοφροσύνῃ δῆθεν κεχρημένοι, καὶ λέγοντες, ὡς ἀόρατος ὁ τῶν ὅλων θεὸς ἀνέφικτός τε καὶ ἀκατάληπ τος, καὶ προσήκει διὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων τὴν θείαν εὐμένειαν πραγματεύεσθαι. Augustini Confess. x. 42: Quem invenirem, qui me reconciliaret tibi? Abeundem mihi fuit ad angelos? Multi conantes ad te redire, neque per se ipsos valentes, sicut audio, tentaverunt haec, et inciderunt in desiderium curiosarum visionum, et digni habiti sunt illusionibus. Cf. Keilii Opusc. acad. t. ii. p. 548, ss. 33 Ambros. de Viduis, c. 9: Obsecrandi sunt angeli, qui nobis ad praesidium dati sunt. See note 21. 34 Augustini Collatio cum Maximino, c. 14 (Opp. viii. 467): Nonne si templum alicui sancto Angelo excellentissimo de lignis et lapidibus faceremus, anathematizaremur a veritate Christi et ab Ecclesia Dei, quoniam creaturae exhiberemus eam servitutem, quae uni tantum debetur Deo? In the time of Sozomen there was, it is true, a church in Constantinople, named Miɣanλiov, but solely for this reason (Sozom. ii. 3): KafóTI RETÍOTEVται ἐνθάδε ἐπιφαίνεσθαι Μιχαὴλ τὸν θεῖον 'Αρχάγγελον. 35 But Minucius Felix, c. 29: Cruces nec colimus, nec optamus. 36 Euseb. de vit. Constant. i. 40; ii. 6-9, 16; iv. 21. Sozom.i. 8, in fine. 37 This story is false. Eusebius de vita Const. iii. 25, relates at great length how the holy sepulcher was cleared out at the command of Constantine, not of Helena, and the church of the resurrection built over it, but says nothing of the discovery of the cross. Then not till c. 41, ss. does he speak of the journey of Helena to Palestine, and how she built churches at the spot where Christ was born in Bethlehem, and on the locality of the ascension on the Mount of Olives. The Gaul also, who was in Jerusalem A.D. 333, and mentions all the holy objects in the city in his Itinerarium (Vetera Rom. Itineraria, ed. P. Wesseling, p. 593), knew nothing of the holy cross and its finding. The oldest testimony alleged for it, but which notwithstanding does not speak of Helena, in Cyrilli Hieros. Epist. ad Constantium, professedly written about A.D. 351, is a later interpolation. It can not have been known before the fifth century, for Jerome, in Catal. s. v. Cyrillus, does not mention it, and Ambrose Orat. de obitu Theodosii, Jo. Chrysostomus Hom. 85 (al. 84), Paulinus Nolanus Epist. 31 (al. 11), Rufinus Hist. eccl. x. 7, 8, Socrates, i. 17, Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii. 34, are ignorant of it; since otherwise they would not have related the circumstances of the finding, and especially the recognition of the true cross so differently. The work miracles,38 became objects of the highest adoration, and were finally put on altars.39 Helena set the first example of a pilgrimage to Palestine, which was soon extensively imitated.40 By this means ideas of the holiness of that country had increased so much, even to the grossest superstition,11 that many teachers of the Church openly discouraged these pilgrimages. 42 Aversion to pictures ceased among Christians in the fourth century. They allowed not merely likenesses of emperors, 43 credulous Sozomen (ii. 1) first speaks of this letter of Cyril. The conclusion of it, in which the emperor is designated as δοξάζων τὴν ὁμοούσον τριάδα is decidedly adverse to its authenticity. For Cyril, in the time of Constantius, was not an adherent of the Nicene faith, and that this emperor was not so might have been unknown a considerable time after, in different places. Comp. Dallaeus adv. Latinorum de cultus religiosi objecto traditionem. Genevae. 1664. 4. p. 704. Witsii Miscellan. sacra, ii. 364. 38 Paulinus Nolanus Ep. 31 (al. 11): The bishop of Jerusalem alone could bestow splinters of the cross, ad magnum fidei et benedictionis gratiam. Quae quidem crux in materia insensata vim vivam tenens, ita ex illo tempore innumeris paene quotidie hominum votis lignum suum commodat, ut detrimenta non sentiat, et quasi intacta permaneat. 39 First mentioned by Sozomen, ii. 3, and Nilus. See note 48. Cf. Bingham, vol. iii. p. 236. 40 Partly in order to be baptized in Jordan (Euseb. de locis Ebr. s. v. Bnlaßapú), which was also the purpose of Constantine (Euseb. de vit. Const. iv. 62); but also attracted by the marvelous and the love of relics. Paulinus Nol. Ep. 11 : The holy cross was shown only at Easter, nisi interdum religiosissimi postulent, qui hac tantum causa illo peregrinati advenerint, ut sibi ejus revelatio quasi in pretium longinquae peregrinationis deferatur. Epist. 36: Religiosa cupiditas est loca videre, in quibus Christus ingressus et passus est, et resurrexit, et unde conscendit: et aut de ipsis locis exiguum pulverem, aut de ipso Crucis ligno aliquid saltem festucae simile sumere et habere, benedictio est. As tra wood of the cross suffered no diminution (note 38), so also the footsteps of the Lord at his ascension were not worn away. Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii. 33: Cum quotidie confluentium fides certatim Domino calcata diripiat, damnum tamen arena non sentit: et eadem adhuc sui speciem, velut impressis signata vestigiis terra custodit. 41 Ex. gr. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. Respecting the wonderful power of the terra sancta de Hierosolymis allata. 42 Hieron. Ep. 13, ad Paulinum: Non Hierosolymis fuisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum est.-Et de Hierosolymis et de Britannia aequaliter patet aula coelestis.-Beatus Hilarion cum Palaestinus esset et in Palaestina viveret: uno tantum die vidit Hierosolymam, ut nec contemnere loca sancta propter viciniam, nec rursus, dominum loco claudere videretur. (On the other hand, Epist. 47, ad Desiderium: adorasse, ubi steterunt pedes Domini, pars fidei est, et quasi recentia nativitatis et crucis ac passionis vidisse vestigia.) Especially zealous is Gregorii Nysseni Epist. Tερì TŵV ÚπIÓVTWV elç 'Iɛpooóλvua against these pilgrimages (reprinted also as an appendix to J. H. Heidegger de Peregrinationibus religiosis. Turici. 1670. 8). We see from his letters that even then Jerusalem was remarkable for corruption of morals, as places of pilgrimage usually are: El ἦν πλέον ἡ χάρις ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Ἱεροσόλομα τόποις οὐκ ἂν ἐπεχωρίαζε τοῖς ἐκεῖ ζῶσιν ἡ ἁμαρτία. Νῦν μέντοι οὐκ ἔστιν ἀκαθαρσίας εἶδος, ὃ μὴ τολμᾶται παρ' ô αὐτοῖς, καὶ πονηρίαι, καὶ μοιχεῖαι, καὶ κλοπαὶ, καὶ εἰδωλολατρεῖαι, καὶ φαρμακεῖαι, και φθόνοι, καὶ φόνοι. 43 Likenesses of Constantine and his children were affixed to the Labarum, Euseb de vita Const. i. 31, iv. 69, comp. above, note 4. but also of other distinguished men.44 45 On the other hand, it was still reckoned a heathen practice to represent objects of worship by pictures. At first, allegorical representations of sacred doctrines, and historical pictures taken from the Scriptures or from the history of martyrs, were allowed in the churches. Of these the earliest instances in the east are mentioned by Gregory of Nyssa ; 16 in the west, by Paulinus, bishop of Nola (409 46 44 Thus the Christians of Antioch had likenesses of their bishop Meletius (+ 391) even during his lifetime, on the seals, rings, vessels, and walls. See Chrysostomi Orat. encomiastica in S. Meletium, Opp. ii. 519. 45 See Div. I. § 70, note 5. Euseb. Caesariensis Ep. ad Constantium. (Cone. Nicaeni, ii. actio 6. Published more complete by J. Boivin in the notes to Nicephori Gregorae Byzant. Histor. ed. Bonn. t. ii. p. 1301): Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ περί τινος εἰκόνος ὡς δὴ τοῦ Χριστοῦ γέγραφας, εἰκόνα βουλομένη σοι ταύτην ὑφ ̓ ἡμῶν πεμφθῆναι· τίνα λέγεις καὶ ποίαν ταύτην, ἣν φῂς τοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰκόνα ;—πότερον τὴν ἀληθῆ καὶ ἀμετάλλακτον, καὶ φύσει τοὺς αὐτοῦ χαρακτῆρας φέρουσαν· ἢ ταύτην ἣν δι' ἡμᾶς ἀνείληφε, τῆς τοῦ δούλου μορφὴς περιθέμενος τὸ σχῆμα ;-ἀλλὰ τοῦ πρὸ τῆς μεταβολῆς σαρκίου αὐτοῦ δὴ τοῦ θνητοῦ τὴν εἰκόνα φῂς παρ' ἡμῶν αἰτεῖν· ἆρα γὰρ τοῦτό σε μόνον διέλαθεν τὸ ἀνάγνωσμα, ἐν ᾧ ὁ θεὸς νομοθετεῖ μὴ ποιεῖν ὁμοίωμα μήτε τῶν, ὅσα ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, μήτε τῶν, ὅσα ἐν τῇ γῇ κάτω ; ἢ ἔστιν ὅτε ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἢ αὐτὴ, ἢ καὶ παρ' ἄλλου τοῦτο ἤκουσας; οὐχὶ δὲ καθ' ὅλης τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐξώρισται καὶ πόῤῥω τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν πεφυγάδευται τὰ τοιαῦτα, μόνοις τε ἡμῖν μὴ ἐξεῖναι τὸ τοιοῦτον ποιεῖν παρὰ πᾶσι βεβόηται;οὐκ οἶδα γὰρ, ὅπως γύναιόν τι μετὰ χεῖράς ποτε δύο τινὰς φέρουσα καταγεγραμμένους, ὡς ἂν φιλοσόφους, ἀπέρριψε λόγον, ὡς ἂν εἶεν Παύλου καὶ τοῦ Σωτῆρος· οὐκ ἔχω λέγειν, οὔτε ὁπόθεν λαβοῦσα, οὔτε ὅθεν τοῦτο μαθοῦσα· ἵνα μηδὲ αὐτὴ, μηδὲ ἕτεροι σκανδαλίζοιντο, ἀφελόμενος ταύτην παρ' ἐμαυτὸν κατεῖχον, οὐχ ἡγούμενος καλῶς ἔχειν εἰς ἑτέρους ὅλως ἐκφέρειν ταῦτα, ἵνα μὴ δοκῶμεν δίκην εἰδωλολατρούντων τὸν θεὸν ἡμῶν ἐν εἰκόνι περιφέρειν. Epiphanius Ep. ad Johannem Hierosol. ex vers. Hieronymi (Epiph. Opp. ii. 317) relates, that when he had come into the church in Anablatha, a village of Palestine, inveni ibi velum pendens in foribus ejusdem Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum, et habens imaginem, quași Christi, vel sancti cujusdam. Non enim satis memini, cujus imago fuerit. Cum ergo hoc vidissem, in Ecclesia Christi contra auctoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem, scidi illud, et magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci, ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent et efferrent. He promises them a new velum which he herewith sends and asks John, deinceps praecipere, in Ecclesia Christi ejusmodi vela, quae contra religionem nostram veniunt, non appendi. Asterius, bishop of Amasea (about 400. See Homilies in the auctarium PP. ed. Combefisii) Hom. in Divitem et Lazarum: Μὴ γράφε τὸν Χριστόν. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἡ μία τῆς ἐνσωματώσεως ταπεινοφροσύνη, ἣν αὐθαιρέτως δι' ἡμᾶς κατεδέξατο· ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς σου βαστάζων νοητῶς τὸν ἀσώματον λόγον περίφερε. Cf Suiceri Thes. eccl. i. 1014. Jo. Dallaci de Imaginibus libb. iv. Lugd. Bat. 1642. 8. p. 163, ss. Frid. Spanhemii Hist. imaginum. Lugd. Bat. 1686. 8. (Opp. iii. 707). Neander's Chrysostomus, ii. 143. 46 Greg. Nyss. Orat. de laudibus Theodori Mart. c. 2 (Opp. ii. 1011), in describing the church built in honor of Theodore: Ἐπέχρωσε δὲ καὶ ζωγράφος τὰ ἄνθη τῆς τέχνης ἐν εἰκόνι διαγραψάμενος, τὰς ἀριστείας τοῦ μάρτυρος, τὰς ἐνστάσεις, τὰς ἀλγηδόνας, τὰς θηριώδεις τῶν τυράννων μορφὰς, τὰς ἐπηρείας, τὴν φλογοτρόφον ἐκείνην, κάμινον τὴν μακαριωτάτην τελείωσιν τοῦ ἀθλητοῦ, τοῦ ἀγωνοθέτου Χριστοῦ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης μορφῆς τὸ ἐκτύπωμα· πάντα ἡμῖν, ὡς ἐν βιβλίῳ τινι γλωττοφόρῳ διὰ χρωμάτων τεχνουργησάμενος σαφῶς διηγόρευσε τοὺς ἀγῶνας τοῦ μάρτυρος. In the Orat. de deitate Filii et Spir. S. (l. c. p. 908), he describes a picture of the sacrifice of Isaac. (Augustin. contra Faustum, xxii. 73: Factum ita nobile,ut tot linguis cantatum, tot locis pictum, et aures et oculos 47 431, A.D.). Such pictures were not intended to be worshiped, but were merely for instruction and stimulus. 48 The likenesses of individuals only were capable of leading the minds of the illiterate astray, so as to worship them. The first pictures 49 : of this kind which we find in a Gallic Church at the end of the fifth century do not, it is true, imply that they were worshiped; 19 but soon after, superstition connected itself with the likenesses of miracle-working persons, which were placed in houses.50 Under Leo the Great, we find the first picture of Christ in a Romish Church.51 dissimulantis feriret.) Comp. Cramer's Forts. v. Bossuet's Weltgesch. Th. 4, S. 442, ss. Münter's Sinnbilder u. Kunstvorstellungen der alten Christen. Heft 1, S. 9, ss. 47 Paulin. Natal. ix. Felicis: Propterea visum nobis opus utile, totis Cf. Natalis vii. et x. Epist. 30 (al. 12) Prudentius πepì otepavāv, hymn ix. v. 10, hymn xi. v. 127. Münter, i. 18. 48 Nilus (see § 85, note 1) advised the Eparch Olympiodorus who intended to build a Martyrion and to adorn it with a number of pictures (lib. iv. Ep. 61): 'Ev 7ộ iepateiw μὲν κατὰ ἀνατολὰς τοῦ θειοτάτου τεμένους ἕνα καὶ μόνον τυπῶσαι σταυρόν· δι' ἑνὸς γὰρ σωτηριώδους σταυροῦ τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων διασώζεται γένος, καὶ τοῖς ἀπηλπισμένοις ἐλπὶς πανταχοῦ κηρύσσεται· ἱστοριῶν δὲ παλαιᾶς καὶ νέας διαθήκης πληρῶσαι ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν χειρὶ καλλίστου ζωγράφου τὸν ναὸν τὸν ἅγιον, ὅπως ἂν οἱ μὴ εἰδότες γράμματα, μηδὲ δυνάμενοι τὰς θείας ἀναγινώσκειν γραφὰς τῇ θεωρίᾳ τῆς ζωγραφίας μνήμην τε λαμβάνωσιν τῆς τῶν γνησίως τῷ ἀληθινῷ θεῷ δεδουλευκότων ανδραγαθίας, καὶ πρὸς ἅμιλλαν διεγεί ρωνται τῶν εὐκλεῶν καὶ ἀοιδίμων ἀριστευμάτων, δι' ὧν τῆς γῆς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπηλλάξαντο. 49 Severus caused pictures of Martin of Tours and Paulinus of Nola to be brought into the baptistery of the church in Bourges, while the former was probably alive, the latter, certainly so. Pauli Nol. Ep. 32. Cf. Bingham, vol. iii. p. 305. 50 Thus Augustine mentions pictures of Peter and Paul (de Consensu evangel. i. 10), but says of them: Sic omnino errare meruerunt, qui Christum et Apostolos ejus non in sanctis codicibus, sed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt. Comp. de Moribus eccl. cath. i. 34: Novi, multos esse sepulchrorum et picturarum adoratores. Nunc vos illud admoneo, ut aliquando Ecclesiae catholicae maledicere desinatis, vituperando mores hominum, quos et ipsa condemnat, et quos quotidie tanquam malos filios corrigere studet. According to Theodoreti Hist. relig. c. 26 (ed. Schultze, iii. 1272), Simeon Stylites was held in such honor at Rome even during his lifetime, ὡς ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς τῶν ἐργαστηρίων προπυλαίοις εἰκόνας αὐτῷ βραχείας ἀναστῆσαι, φυλακήν τινα σφίσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀσφάλειαν ἐντεῦθεν πορίζοντας. 51 According to Severianus (about 400) an opponent of Chrysostom, subsequently bishop of Gabala (Tract. in s. crucem in S. Jo. Chrysost. de Educandis liberis, lib. etc. ed. Franc. Combefis. Paris. 1656. 8. p. 129), the cross is ý toð úðavátov Baoíhéws eikóv. In the churches of Pauliņus of Nola, Christ appears only in the symbolic form of the lamb at the foot of the cross. In the mosaic picture belonging to the S. Maria Maggiore, the oldest extant, which was made under Sixtus III., 432-440, a throne with a book roll, and behind it a cross, forms the central point. In the background, Christ appears only as a child, in historical representations from the accounts of his childhood. In the Basilica of St. Paul, which was built under Leo I., in the picture of the triumphal arch he is first made to Occupy the exact center as a Savious (see die bildl. Darstellungen im Sanctuarium d. |