pose of mortifying the sensual nature, and allowing the spirit with less disturbance to be absorbed in the contemplation of divine things. The rules of the monasteries made, indeed, more moderate demands on the abstinence of the inmates:10 but the majority of the monks did more than was required, of their own free choice, and many even withdrew from the cells of the convents into the desert ('Avaxwpnraí), that they might suppress ('Αναχωρηταί), sensual desires by the most ingenious self-tortures, and attain the highest degree of holiness. In many cases these measures had only the contrary effect, and temptations increased;11 many Epitaph. Paulae Epist. 27, 10, Epist. 7 ad Laetam; according to Chrysostom. in 1 Tim. Hom. xiv. the monks had the same hours. Basil also, de Instit. monach. serino, prescribes these six; but that there may be seven, agreeably to Psalm cxix. 164, the prayer of noon is directed to be divided into that before and that after eating. When six public hours for prayer are prescribed to the churches in the apostolic constitutions, viii. 34, the writer follows the view which arose in the fourth century, viz., that in the apostolic churches for which he pretends to write, a monastic institute prevailed. Even in his day there were daily but two religious services, as at an early period (¿v έσñéρа kaì έv прwiḍ, Chrysost. in 1 Tim. Hom. vi.). 9 Respecting the Egyptian monasteries comp. Hieronymi Ep. 18 (al. 22) ad Eustochium (ed. Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 45). Jo. Cassiani Collationes Patrum, et de Institutis coenobiorum. On the labors cf. de Inst. coen. x. 23: Haec est apud Aegyptum ab antiquis patribus sancita sententia: operantem monachum daemone uno pulsari, otiosum vero innumeris spiritibus devastari. Cf. Alteserra, 1. c. lib. v. cap. 7 et 8. Neander's Chrysostomus, B. 1, S. 80, ff. 10 Comp. Pachomius' rule (ap. Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 38): Zvyxwpýσels Ékάoтų kaTÙ τὴν δύναμιν φαγεῖν καὶ πιεῖν, καὶ πρὸς τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἐσθιόντων ἀνάλογα καὶ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ἐγχείρησον, καὶ μήτε νηστεῦσαι κωλύσης μήτε φαγεῖν. 11 See the confessions of Jerome, Ep. 18, ad Eustochium: Ille igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choris intereram puellarum. Pallebant ora jejuniis, et mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido corpore, et ante hominem suum jam in carne praemortua, sola libidinum incendia bullie bant. Itaque omni auxilio destitutus, ad Jesu jacebam pedes, rigabam lachrymis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia subjugabam.-Memini me clamantem, diem crebro junxisse cum nocte, nec prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus, quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ep. 95, ad Rusticum: Dum essem juvenis, et solitudinis me deserta vallarent: incentiva vitiorum ardoremque naturae ferre non poteram: quem cum crebris jejuniis frangerem, mens tamen cogitationibus aestuabat. Ad quam edomandam cuidam fratri, qui ex Hebraeis crediderat, me in disciplinam dedi, ut -alphabetum discerem, et stridentia anhelantiaque verba meditarer. In like manner Basil admits to his friend Gregory, Ep. 2: Κατέλιπον μὲν τὰς ἐν ἄστει διατριβὰς ὡς μυρίων κακῶν ἀφορμὴς, ἐμαυτὸν δὲ οὔπω ἀπολιπεῖν ἠδυνήθην.-ὥστε οὐδὲν μέγα τῆς ¿рnμíaç ¿ñwváμela тaúrns. On the temptations to lust see Nilus, lib. ii. Ep. 140. (Nili Epistolarum, libb. iv. Romae. 1668. p. 179.) In the quaestt. et responsiones ad orthodoxos among Justin's works, written after 400, it is asked, qu. 21, whether sensual dreams exclude from the supper: Ἐπειδὴ πολλή ἐστι περὶ τούτου καὶ παρ' αὐτῶν (τῶν μοναχῶν) ἡ ζήτησις. Comp. Nilus, περὶ διαφόρων πονηρῶν λογισμῶν (Tractatus ed. Suaresii, p. 512). Basilii regulae breviores, interrog. 22. Comp. the experience of Philo, Legis allegor. lib. iii. (properly lib. ii.) p. 1102: Εγώ πολλάκις καταλιπὼν μὲν ἀνθρώπους, συγ γενεῖς, καὶ φίλους, καὶ πατρίδα, καὶ εἰς ἐρημίαν ἔλθων, ἵνα τι τῶν θέας ἀξίων κατανοήσω, οὐδὲν ὤνησα· ἀλλὰ σκορπισθεὶς ὁ νοῦς, ἢ πάθει δηχθεὶς, ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τἀναντία. monks were driven to despair by a sense of the hopelessness of their efforts ;12 in the case of others, complete madness was su perinduced by that excessive asceticism, and by the pride associated with it, under the influence of a burning climate.13 From that diseased excitement of the imagination, and that spiritual pride, arose also those strange miraculous occurrences which befel the monks only in solitude. The lesser marvelous things which they wrought in the circles of enthusiastic admirers must be explained by the impression they made on the feelings of reverence entertained toward the persons of the monks, and by the magnifying nature of tradition.14 Εστι δ' ὅτε καὶ ἐν πλήθει μυριάνδρῳ ἐρημῷ τὴν διάνοιαν, τὸν ψυχικὸν ὄχλον σκεδά σαντος θεοῦ, καὶ διδάξαντός με, ὅτι οὐ τόπων διαφοραὶ τό τε εὖ καὶ χεῖρον ἐργάζονται, ἀλλ' ὁ κινῶν θεὸς καὶ ἄγων, ᾗ ἂν προαιρῆται, τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ὄχημα. Zimmermann on Solitude, part 2, chapters 6 and 7. 12 So that some, like the circumcelliones (see § 86, note 9), put an end to their life, see Nilus, lib. ii. Ep. 140 : Τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ξενισθέντες, καὶ θορυβηθέντες τὸν νοῦν ἐξ ἀπροσ εξίας καὶ ἀδιακρισίας, ἑαυτοὺς ἔσφαξαν μαχαίρᾳ, τινὲς δὲ κατεκρήμνησαν ἑαυτοὺς ἀφορήτῳ λύπῃ καὶ ἀπογνώσει συσχεθέντες, ἕτεροι δὲ τὰ γεννητικά μόρια κόψαντες, καὶ αὐτοφονευταὶ ἑαυτῶν τῇ προαιρέσει γεγονότες οἱ τάλανες, ὑπέπεσαν τῇ ἀποστολικῇ ἀρᾷ,—ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἔλαβον συναρπασθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Σατανᾶ. Gregor. Naz, Carm. xlvii. v. 100, ss. (Opp. t. ii. 107) : Θνήσκουσιν πολλοῖς προφρονέως θανάτοις, Αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ σφετέρης παλάμης, καὶ γαστρὸς ἀνάγκῃ, Ἵλαθι Χριστὲ ἄναξ πισταῖς φρεσὶν ἀφραδέουσιν ! Pachomius says, Vita Pachomii, § 61 (Acta SS. Maji, iii. 320, the Greek original is given in the app. p. 41): Ἡ δὲ τῆς βλασφημίας ὑποβολὴ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐὰν εὕρῃ τινὰ μὴ νηφάλαιον, εἂν ᾖ ἀγαπῶν θεὸν,—τοῦτον ἀπολέσει. Καὶ πολλοὶ ἐθανάτωσαν ἑαυτοὺς, ὁ μὲν ἐπάνωθεν πέτρας ἑαυτὸν ῥίψας ὡς ἐκστατικὸς, καὶ ἄλλος μαχαίρᾳ ἀπέπτυξεν τὴν κοιλίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀπέθανεν, καὶ ἄλλοι ἄλλως. Cf. Chrysostomi ad Stagirium, libb. iii. (Opp. i. 153) to a monk who believed that he had been tempted by Satan to commit suicide. Others sought assistance in their struggle against desire in immoderate sleep. Nili, lib. iii. Ep. 224. 13 Hieronymi Ep. 95 (al. 4), ad Rusticum: Sunt, qui humore cellarum, immoderatisque jejuniis, taedio solitudinis ac nimia lectione, dum diebus ac noctibus auribus suis personant, vertuntur in melancholiam, et Hippocratis magis fomentis quam nostris monitis indigent. Ejusd. Ep. 97 (al. 8) ad Demetriadem: Novi ego in utroque sexu per nimiam abstinentiam cerebri sanitatem quibusdam fuisse vexatam: praecipueque in his, qui in humectis` et frigidis habitaverunt cellulis, ita ut nescirent quid agerent, quove se verterent: quid loqui, quid tacere deberent. Hence his disapprobation of extreme fasting in Ep. 57 (al. 7) ad Laetam and Jo. Cassian. Instit. v. 9. 14 Several hints on this subject may be found in the following passages: Hieron. Ep. 59, ad Rusticum: Quosdam ineptos homines daemonum pugnantium contra se portenta confingere, ut apud imperitos et vulgi homines miraculum sui faciant, et exinde lucra sectentur. Sozomenus, i. 14: Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ θεσπέσια ἐπ' αὐτῷ (Αμοῦν) συμβέβηκεν, ἃ μάλιστα τοῖς κατ' Αἴγυπτον μοναχοῖς ἀκρίβωται, περὶ πολλοῦ ποιουμένοις, διαδοχῇ παραδόσεως Very soon in the east monachism was received with enthusiastic admiration, and the number of monks swelled to an enormous extent. 15 Since there were no more persecutions, and no more opportunities of martyrdom; since Christianity had even acquired external dominion; the erroneous notion was spread abroad that there was no longer an opportunity in the world for the full exercise of Christian virtue.1 16 The general corruption 17 or consciousness of individual guilt caused many to seek solitude. Many sought escape from the oppressive circumstances of life.18 Others wished to make a figure and obtain an influence. Others were attracted by sloth;19 and lastly, others were drawn away ἀγράφου ἐπιμελῶς ἀπομνημονεύειν τὰς τῶν παλαιοτέρων ἀσκητῶν ἀρετάς. Sulpicius Severus, dial. ii. 4, relates that St. Martin often told him, nequaquam sibi in episcopatu eam virtutum gratiam suppetisse, quam prius se habuisse meminisset. Quod si verum est, immo quia verum est, conjicere possumus, quanta fuerunt illa, quae monachus operatus est, et quae teste nullo solus exercuit, cum tanta illum in episcopatu signa fecisse, sub oculis omnium viderimus. For the physiological explanation of the frequent visions seen by these anchorites comp. D. Joh. Müller über die phantastischen Gesichterscheinungen. Coblenz. 1826. 8. 15 Pachomius had in his convent 1300 monks, and in all upward of 7000 under his superintendence (Sozom. iii. 14). In a monastery at Thebais were 5000 monks (Cass. de Instit. iv. 1), in Nitria were fifty convents (Sozom. vi. 31), etc. 16 A kindred notion may be found in Origen, see Div. I. § 70, note 19. 17 Chrysostomus adv. oppugnatores vitae monast. i. 7: Ἐβουλόμην καὶ αὐτὸς τῶν μοναστηρίων ἀναιρεθῆναι τὴν χρείαν, καὶ τοσαύτην ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι γενέσθαι τὴν εὐνο· μίαν, ὡς μηδένα δεηθῆναί ποτε τῆς εἰς τὴν ἔρημον καταφυγῆς· ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ ἄνω κάτω γέγονε, καὶ αἱ μὲν πόλεις-πολλῆς γέμουσι παρανομίας καὶ ἀδικίας, ἡ δὲ ἐρημία πολλῷ βρύει τῷ τῆς φιλοσοφίας καρπῷ οὐχ οἱ τῆς ζάλης ταύτης καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς τοὺς σωθῆναι βουλομένους ἐξάγοντες, καὶ πρὸς τὸν τὴς ἡσυχίας ὁδηγοῦντας λιμένα, δικαίως ἂν ἐγκαλοῖντο παρ' ὑμῶν. 18 Isidorus Pelus. (see § 88, note 25) lib. i. Ep. 262. Ευσέβιος (a bishop) καὶ τοῦτο τῇ παροικία Πηλουσίου παρέχετο, βουνόμοις τισὶ, καὶ αἰπόλοις, καὶ δραπέταις οἰκέταις ἐπιτρέπων μοναχικὰ συμπήγνυσθαι παλαιστήρια, οὐδενὶ μαθητευθεῖσι τὴν μοναχικὴν, ἢ μετελθόντων, ἢ ὅλως ἀγαπώντων, οὐδὲ ὅλως τῆς φιλοσοφίας ταύτης ἢ ἀκηκοόσιν, ἢ μέχρι σχήματος διδαχθεῖσι. 19 Respecting the reputation which the monks possessed, compare what Chrysostom says to the heathen father of a monk, adv. oppugnatores vitae monast. ii. 4: Σὺ μὲν οὖν τῶν σαυτοῦ κύριος εἶ μόνον, ἐκεῖνος (ὁ υἱός σου) δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἅπασαν. εἰ δὲ ἀπιστείς,πείσωμεν αὐτὸν κατελθόντα ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρους-σημᾶναί τινι τῶν σφόδρα πλουτούντων καὶ εὐλαβῶν, πέμψαι χρυσοῦ σταθμὸν, ὅσον ἐθέλεις,καὶ προθυμότερον ὄψει τον πλουτοῦντα ὑπακούοντα καὶ ἐκκομίζοντα, ἢ τῶν οἰκονόμων τινὰ τῶν σῶν. C. 6: Εὑρήσομεν αὐτὸν τὸν υἱόν σου) οὐ μόνον λαμπρότερον ὄντα νῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δι' ἐκεῖνα τιμιώτερον, δι' ἅπερ ἄτιμον εἶναι φῆς καὶ εὐτελῆ. εἰ γὰρ βουλει, πείσαντες αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρους κατελθεῖν, πείσωμεν καὶ εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐμβαλεῖν, καὶ ὄψει πᾶσαν ἐπιστρε φομένην τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ὑποδεικνύντας αὐτὸν ἅπαντας, καὶ θαυμάζοντας, καὶ ἐκπληττομένους, ὡς ἀγγέλου τινὸς ἐξ οὐρανοῦ παραγενομένου νῦν. C. 7: Τίς μετὰ πλείονος ἐξουσίας διαλέξεται βασιλεῖ, καὶ ἐπιτιμήσει; ὁ τοσαῦτα σὺ κεκτημένος, καὶ ὑπεύθυνος ὢν διὰ ταῦτα καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνου δούλοις,—ἢ οὗτος ὁ τῶν ἐκείνου χειρῶν ἀνώτερος ὤν; βασιλεῦσι μὲν γὰρ οὗτοι μάλιστα διελέχθησαν μετ' ἐξουσίας πολλῆς, ὅσοι πάντων ἐγένοντο τῶν βιωτικῶν ἐκτός. C. 8: Εἰ ταπεινοὶ, καὶ ἐκ ταπεινῶν ὄντες τινὲς ἀγροί· VOL. I.-26 by mere imitation.20 The measures taken by the emperor Valens21 against the excessive tendency to this state of things were attended with no lasting consequences, since the following emperors only showed the more respect for monachism. The most distinguished teachers of the church, Athanasius, Ambrose, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzum, Chrysostom, Terome, and Augustine, were the most zealous panegyrists of the new mode of life (φιλοσοφία, ἀγγελική διαγωγή). Examples in favor of it were soon discovered even in the Old Testament;23 and by new 22 κων υἱοὶ καὶ χειροτεχνῶν, ἐπὶ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ταύτην ἐλθόντες, οὕτως ἐγένοντο τίμιοι πᾶσιν, ὡς μηδένα τῶν ἐν τοῖς μεγάλοις ὄντων ἀξιώμασιν αἰσχυνθῆναι πρὸς τὸ καταγώγιον τούτων ἐλθεῖν, καὶ λόγων μετασχεῖν καὶ τραπέζης· —πολλῷ μᾶλλον, ὅταν ἀπὸ λαμπροῦ μὲν ὁρμώμενον γένους-πρὸς ἐκείνην ἴδωσιν ἐλθόντα τὴν ἀρετὴν, τοῦτο ἐργάσονται. Nilus λόγος ἀσκητικός, c. 7 (Opusc. ed. Suaresii, p. 8): The striving of many monks was even at that time so much directed toward the attainment of possessions, ὥστε λοιπὸν τοὺς πολλοὺς πορισμὸν ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ δι' οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι τὸν πάλαι ἀπράγμονα καὶ μακάριον βίον, ἢ ὅπως διὰ τῆς ἐπιπλάστου θεοσεβείας τὰς μὲν ἐπιπόνους λειτουργείας φύγωμεν, ἄδειαν δὲ ἀπολαύσεως πορισάμενοι, ἀκωλύτως ἐπὶ τὰ δοκοῦντα τὰς ὁρμᾶς ἐκτείνωμεν, μετὰ πολλῆς ἀναισχυντίας καταλαζονευόμενοι τῶν ὑποδεεστέρων, ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ τῶν ὑπερεχόντων, ὥσπερ ὑπόθεσιν τυραννίδος, ἀλλ' οὐχὶ ταπεινώσεως καὶ ἐπιεικείας τὸν ἐνάρετον βίον εἶναι νομίσαντες. Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ παρὰ τῶν σέβεσθαι ἡμᾶς ὀφειλόντων ὡς εἰκαῖος ὄχλος ὁρώμεθα, καὶ—γελώμεθα,οὐκ ἐκ πολιτείας, ἀλλ' ἐκ σχήματος γνωρίζεσθαι βουλόμενοι. 20 Comp. the judgment of Synesius, at that time still a heathen, afterward bishop of Ptolemais, in his Dion: Οἱ δὲ πλείους οὐδ' οἴκοθεν ἐκινήθησαν,-ὥσπερ δὲ ἄλλο τι τῶν εὐδοκιμούντων, τὴν γενναίαν αἵρεσιν ἐζηλώκασι, παντοδαποί τε ὄντες τὰ γένη, καὶ κατὰ χρείαν ἕκαστοι συνιστάμενοι. 21 Cod. Theodos. xii. 1, 63 (A.D. 365): Quidam ignaviae sectatores desertis civitatum muneribus captant solitudines ac secreta, et specie religionis cum coetibus monazonton congregantur. Hos igitur atque hujusmodi, intra Aegyptum deprehensos, per comitem Orientis erui e latebris consulta praeceptione mandavimus, atque ad munia patriarum subeunda revocari, aut pro tenore nostrae sanctionis familiarium rerum carere illecebris, quas per eos censuimus vindicandas, qui publicarum essent subituri munera functionum. After the death of his milder brother (Orosii Hist. vii. 33: illico post fratris obitum), Valens became more violent against the monks, see Hieron. Chron. ann. 375: Multi monachorum Nitriae per tribunos et milites caesi. Valens enim lege data, ut monachi militarent, nolentes fustibus interfici jussit. This raised the courage of the numerous opponents of monachism, and therefore Chrysostom wrote at that time πρὸς τοὺς πολεμοῦντας τοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ μονάζειν ἐνάγουσιν libb. iii. (ed. Montf. t. i.) 22 Ὁ τῶν ἀγγέλων βίος, τὰ οὐράνια πολιτεύματα, ἀποστολικὸς βίος (Epiph. Haer lxi. 4), ἡ ὑψηλὴ φιλοσοφία, ἔργῳ μᾶλλον ἢ λόγῳ κατορθουμένη (Gregor. Νyss. Orat catech. c. 18), ή κατὰ θεὸν φιλοσοφία (Nilus de Monast. exercitatione, c. 8). Serapion, bishop of Thmuis, about 350, writes in the Epist. ad monachos (Spicilegium Romanum, iv. p. liv.) to them: Ἰσάγγελοι ἐστὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ· ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῇ ἀναστάσει τῶν νεκρῶν οὔτε γαμοῦσιν οὔτε γαμίσκονται, ἀλλ' ὡς ἄγγελοι εἰσὶν ἐν οὐρανῷ οἱ δίκαιοι, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ ὑμεῖς οὕτω συμβιοτεύοντες, προελάβετε τῷ πόθῳ τὸ ἐσόμενον. Entering on the life of a monk is called by Jerome, Ep. 22 (al. 25), ad Paulam: Secundo quodammodo propositi se baptismo lavare. Subsequently Dionys. Areop. de Eccles. hierarch. c. 6, reckons the vow of monks (μυστήριον μοναχικῆς τελειώσεως) among the sacraments. 23 Hieronymus in vita S. Pauli (about 365): Inter multos saepe dubitatum est, a quo explanations of detached passages and the help of supplementing legends, the original condition of the early Christians was shown to be a completely monastic state.24 For a long time the monks appeared to have been able to dwell only in deserts. Individuals, indeed, sometimes showed potissimum Monachorum eremus habitari coepta sit. Quidam enim altius repetentes, a b. Elia et Johanne sumsere principium. Quorum et Elias plus nobis videtur fuisse, quam Monachus: et Johannes ante prophetare coepisse, quam natus sit. Alii autem, in quam opinionem vulgus omne consensit, asserunt Antonium hujus propositi caput, quod ex parte verum est. Non enim tam ipse ante omnes fuit, quam ab eo omnium incitata sunt studia. Amathas vero et Macarius, discipuli Antonii, e quibus superior magistri corpus sepelivit, etiam nunc affirmant, Paulum quemdam Thebaeum principem istius rei fuisse, non nominis; quam opinionem nos quoque probamus. On the contrary, the same Jerome observed, about 395, Ep. 49 (al. 13), ad Paulinum: Nos autem habeamus propositi nostri principes Paulos et Antonios, Julianos, Hilarionem, Macarios. Et ut ad scripturarum auctoritatem redeam: noster princeps Helias, noster Helisaeus, nostri duces filii prophetarum, qui habitabant in agris et solitudinibus, et faciebant sibi tabernacula prope fluenta Jordanis. De his sunt et illi filii Rechab (Jerem. xxxv.), qui vinum et siceram non bibebant, qui morabantur in tentoriis, etc. Sozomenus, i. 12: Ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἀρίστης φιλοσοφίας ἤρξατο, ὥς τινες λέγουσιν, Ηλίας ὁ προφήτης, καὶ Ἰωάννης ὁ βαπτιστής. 24 The Therapeutae were regarded as Christians (Div. I. § 17, note 11), and for this purpose such passages as Acts ii. 44, iv. 32, ss. were appealed to. Hieron. Catal. c. 11 : Philo-librum de prima Marci Evangelistae apud Alexandriam scribens ecclesia, in nostrorum laude versatus est (he means Philo Tεрì ẞiov Oεwpηтɩкоv); non solum eos ibi, sed in multis quoque provinciis esse commemorans, et habitacula eorum dicens monasteria. Ex quo apparet, talem primam Christo credentium fuisse ecclesiam, quales nunc monachi esse nituntur et cupiunt, ut nihil cujuspiam proprium sit, nullus inter eos dives, nullus pauper; patrimonia egentibus dividuntur, orationi vacatur et psalmis, doctrinae quoque et continentiae: quales et Lucas refert primum Hierosolymae fuisse credentes. Jo Cassian. Collat. 18, c. 5: Itaque Coenobitarum disciplina a tempore praedicationis apostolicae sumsit exordium. Nam talis extitit in Hierosolymis omnis illa credentium mul titudo, quae in Actibus Apostolorum ita describitur (seqq. loci Act. iv. 32, 34, 35).-Sed cum post Apostolorum excessum tepescere coepisset credentium multitudo, ea vel maxime, quae ad fidem Christi de alienigenis ac diversis gentibus confluebat,-non solum hi qui ad fidem Christi confluxerant, verum etiam illi, qui erant ecclesiae principes, ab illa districtione laxati sunt.-Hi autem, quibus adhuc apostolicus inerat fervor, memores illius pristinae perfectionis, discedentes a civitatibus suis--et ea, quae ab Apostolis per universum corpus ecclesiae generaliter meminerant instituta, privatim ac peculiariter exercere coeperunt, etc. Idem de Institut. coenob. ii. 5: Cum in primordiis fidei pauci quidem, sed probatissimi, monachorum nomine censerentur, qui sicut a beatae memoriae evangelista Marco, qui primus Alexandrinae urbi Pontifex praefuit, normam suscepere vivendi, non solum illa magnifica retinebant, quae primitus ecclesiam vel credentium turbas in Actibus Apostolorum legimus celebrasse, verum etiam his multo sublimiora cumulaverant; cf. Sozomenus, i. 12. Hence the monks were said άπоσтоλIKòv ẞíov Biovv, Epiphan. Haer. 61, § 4.-Legends of the monkish chastity of the saints, of Mary especially, Protevangelium Jacobi, c. 7, ss. From a misunderstanding of Exodus xiii. 1 (2 Macc. iii. 19?) it was thought that there were in the temple virgins consecrated to God, among whom Mary had grown up (Epiphan. Ancorat. no. 60. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. de sancta Christi nativitate) with the vow of perpetual virginity (Augustinus de virginitate, c. 4). Her marriage with Joseph was only apparent, he being eighty years old (Epiph. Haer. 51, c. 10), and according to Epiph. 1. c. a widower, but according to Jerome adv. Helvid. c. 9, a perpetual ascetic. Cf. J. A. Schmidii prolusiones Marianae x. Helmst. 1733. 4, p. 21, ss.-1 Cor. ix. 5, was referred to female friends of the apostles (Div. I. § 27, note 3). |