most express terms forbade all interference, and interdicted appeals to foreign bishops.62

At the close of this period Leo I. the Great was bishop of Rome (440-461),63 who endeavored theoretically to establish the rights of the Romish see by enlarged ideas of the primacy of Peter, 64 and the inheritance derived from that source, 65 and

quoque et sequentium clericorum improba refugia, sicuti te dignum est, repellat Sanctitas tua: quia et nulla patrum definitione hoc ecclesiae derogatum est Africanae, et decreta Nicaena sive inferioris gradus clericos, sive ipsos episcopos suis metropolitanis apertissime commiserunt. Prudentissime enim justissimeque viderunt, quaecunque negotia in suis locis, ubi orta sunt, finienda, nec unicuique provinciae gratiam sancti Spiritus defuturam, qua aequitas a Christi sacerdotibus et prudenter videatur, et constantissime teneatur: maxime quia unicuique concessum est, si judicio offensus fuerit cognitorum, ad concilia suae provinciae vel etiam universale provocare. Nisi forte quisquam est qui credat, unicuilibet posse Deum nostrum examinis inspirare justitiam, et innumerabilibus congregatis in concilium sacerdotibus denegare. Aut quomodo ipsum transmarinum judicium ratum erit, ad quod testium necessariae personae vel propter sexus vel propter senectutis infirmitatem, vel multis aliis intercurrentibus impedimentis, adduci non poterunt? § 4. Nam ut aliqui tanquam a tuae Sanctitatis latere mittantur, in nulla invenimus patrum synodo constitutum; quia illud quod pridem per eundem coëpiscopum nostrum Faustinum tanquam ex parte Nicaeni concilii exinde transmisistis, in conciliis verioribus, quae accipiuntur Nicaena, a S. Cyrillo coëpiscopo nostro Alexandrinae ecclesiae, et a venerabili Attico Constantinopolitano antistite ex. authentico missis-non potuimus reperire. § 5. Executores etiam clericos vestros quibusque petentibus nolite mittere, nolite concedere; ne fumosum typhum saeculi in ecclesiam Christi-videamur inducere. Cf. du Pin de Ant. disc. eccl. diss. ii. § 3, p. 174, ss.

62 Concil. Milevitani ii. (ann 416) can. 22 (the canon of a later council, also contained in Cod. can. eccl. Afric. cap. 28 and 125): Item placuit, ut presbyteri, diaconi, vel caeteri inferiores clerici, in causis quas habuerint, si de judiciis episcoporum suorum questi fuerint vicini episcopi eos audiant, et inter eos quidquid est, finiant, adhibiti ab eis ex consensu episcoporum suorum. Quod si et ab iis provocandum putaverint, non provocent nisi ad Africani concilia, vel ad primates provinciarum suarum (for this Cod. Can. c. 28: non provocent ad transmarina judicia, sed ad primates suarum provinciarum, aut ad universale concilium, sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum est). Ad transmarina autem qui putaverit appellandum, a nullo intra Africam in communionem suscipiatur. For the genuineness of the addition: sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum est, see de Marca, lib. vii. c. 16, § 5. Similar decrees were also issued by other African councils. Comp. the citations of them in Conc. Carthag. ann. 325 (Mansi, viii. p. 644): Conc. decimo, ut episcopi ad transmarina pergere non facile debeant; Conc. undecimo, qui in Africa non communicat, si ausus fuerit in transmarinis, damnetur; Conc. sextodecimo, ad transmarina qui putaverit, etc. (same as the above Can. Milev.); Conc. vigesimo, ut nullus ad transmarina audeat appellare.

63 Leo d. G. u. s. Zeit von W. A. Arendt, Mainz. 1835. 8 (a. Catholic apologetic work). Papst Leo's Leben u. Lehren v. Ed. Perthel. Jena. 1843. 8..

64 Comp. the characteristic expression of Auxiliaris regarding the teneritudo aurium of the Romans at this time, note 55, above.

65 Leonis Ep. 10 (al. 89), ad Episc. provinciae Viennensis: Divinae cultum religionis ―ita Dominus noster-instituit, ut veritas-per apostolicam tubam in salutem universitatis exiret.-Sed hujus muneris sacramentum ita Dominus ad omnium Apostolorum” officium pertinere voluit, ut in beatissimo Petro, Apostolorum omnium summo, principaliter collocaret; et ab ipso, quasi quodam capite, dona sua velit in corpus omne manare: ut exsortem se mysterii intelligeret esse divini, qui ausus fuisset a Petri soliditate recedere. Hunc enim in consortium individuae unitatis assumtum, id quod ipse erat, voluit nominari, dicen

also considerably extended the power of that see, both by his own personal qualities and good fortune. The controversy with Hilary, bishop of Arles, led him to obtain a law from Valentinian III. (445) by which the Romish bishop became the supreme head of the whole western church.66 The catholic bishops of Africa, now oppressed by the Arian Vandals, attached themselves the more closely on this account to the Roman see, and allowed Leo to act as a patriarch in their dioceses without opposition.67 At the council of Chalcedon, Leo, whose legates had the presidency there, hoped to make good his claims as head of the whole church; but he met with much opposition among the orientals, 68 which at last manifested itself decidedly

do: Tu es Petrus, etc., ut aeterni templi aedificatio, mirabili munere gratiae Dei, în Petri soliditate consisteret. Hence Epist. ad Anastasium Episc. Thessalonic. (Quesn. Ep. 12, Baller. 14), c. 1: Curam, quam universis ecclesiis principaliter ex divina institutione debemus. C. 11: Magna ordinatione provisum est, ne omnes (episcopi) sibi omnia vindicarent; sed essent in singulis provinciis singuli, quorum inter fratres haberetur prima sententia, et rursus quidam, in majoribus urbibus constituti, sollicitudinem susciperent ampliorem, per quos ad unam Petri sedem universalis ecclesiae cura conflueret, et nihil usquam a suo capite dissideret. Epist. ad Africanos (Quesn. 1, Baller. 12): Solicitudo, quam universae ecclesiae ex divina institutione dependimus. Leo's Leben, v. Perthel, S. 226. 66 Appended to the edition of the Cod. Theodos. by Gothofredus and Ritter Novell Theodosii, tit. 24, by Hanell Novell. Valentin. iii. tit. 16, in Leonis Opp. ed. Baller. Epist. 11: Cum igitur sedis apostolicae primatum sancti Petri meritum, qui princeps est episcopalis coronae, et Romanae dignitas civitatis, sacrae etiam synodi firmarit auctoritas, ne quid praeter auctoritatem sedis istius illicita praesumtio attentare nitatur. Tanc enim demum ecclesiarum pax ubique servabitur, si rectorem suum agnoscat universitas.— 3. Nec hoc solum, quod est maximi criminis, submovemus, verum ne levis saltem inter ecclesias turba nascatur, vel in aliquo minui religionis disciplina videatur, hac perenni sanctione censemus, ne quid tam episcopis Gallicanis, quam aliarum provinciarum contra consuetudinem veterem liceat sine viri venerabilis papae urbis aeternae auctoritate tentare. Sed hoc illis omnibusque pro lege sit, quidquid sanxit vel sanxerit apostolicae sedis auctoritas, ita aut, quisquis episcoporum ad judicium Romani antistitis evocatus venire neglexerit, per moderatorem ejusdem provinciae adesse cogatur, per omnia servatis, quae divi parentes nostri Romanae ecclesiae detulerunt.

67 Cf. Leonis Epistol. ad Episcop. African. (Quesn. i. Baller. xii). Leo's Leben, v. Perthel, S. 30.

:

68 In the very beginning of the council the legates had to declare (actio, i. ap. Mansi, vi. 579) Beatissime atque apostolici viri Papae urbis Romae, quae est caput omnium Ecclesiarum, praecepta habemus prae manibus, quibus praecipere dignatus est ejus Apostolatus, ut Dioscurus, Alexandrinorum Archiepiscopus, non sedeat in Concilio, sed audiendus intromittatur. Hoc nos observare necesse est. Si ergo praecipit vestra magnificentia, aut ille egrediatur, aut nos eximus. Judicii sui necesse est eum dare rationem, quia cum personam judicandi non haberet, praesumpsit, et synodum ausus est facere (the Robber synod) sine auctoritate sedis apostolicae, quod nunquam licuit, nunquam factum est. They were, however, foiled in this proposition by the imperial commissioners, since they could not be accusers and judges at the same time. Dioscurus accordingly took his seat, and the legates remained. Subsequently, the Romish legates withstood the first drawing up of the decree respecting the question of faith, desiring either that it should be made to agree more closely with the epistle of Leo, or that this epistle should be mentioned in ita

in decreeing the bishop of Constantinople to be on an equality with the bishop of Rome. This measure Leo had foreseen, and in vain attempted to avert.69 He protested against it;70 and Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople, was actually obliged to send an humble letter to him, for the oriental emperor's sake.71 Still the decrees of the synod continued in force; and thus began the contest of jealousy that lasted for centuries, between the bishops of Rome and Constantinople.

It is worthy of remark, that the Romish bishops were distinguished by no peculiar titles in the west. In the east, the honorable appellation of patriarchs was certainly given them; but these titles were as yet common to all bishops in the west."

72

On this so fearful an outcry arose, that the Illyrian bishops called out (actio v. ap. Mansi, vii. 105): Οἱ ἀντιλέγοντες Νεστοριανοί εἰσιν· οἱ ἀντιλέγοντες εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπέλθωσιν.

69 Comp. above, § 93, note 14. The Romish legates withdrew, actio xv. was adopted, and they protested (act. xvi.) against it, producing the instructions given them by Leo (Mansi, vii. 443): Sanctorum quoque patrum constitutionem prolatam nulla patiamini temeritate violari vel imminui, servantes omnimodis personae nostra in vobis-dignitatem: ac si qui forte civitatum suarum splendore confisi, aliquid sibi tentaverint usurpare, hoc qua dignum est constantia retundatis. They appealed, moreover, to the sixth Nicene canon, with the Romish addition, Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum (see § 93, note 1), but were immediately obliged to have the canon read to them in its original form, and were-thus repulsed with their protest.

70 Leonis Epist. ad Marcianum, ad Pulcheriam, ad Anatalium (ap. Quesn. Ep. 78-80, Baller. Ep. 104-106).

71 In Epist. Leonis ap. Quesn. appended to Epist. 105, ap. Baller. Ep. 132.

72 In the west the names Papa Apostolicus, Vicarius Christi, Summus Pontifex, Sedes Apostolica, were applied to other bishops also, and their sees (Thomassini, P. i. lib. i. c. 4. Basnage praef. ad Canisii Lectt. ant. t. i. p. 37. G. S. Cyprian's Belehrung vom Urspr. und Wachsthum des Papsthums, S. 506, ff.). So also Patriarcha, especially to the Metropolitans. (du Pin Diss. i. § 5).-Gregory I. (Epist. lib. v. 18, 20, 41, viii. 30), was mistaken in believing that at the council of Chalcedon the name universalis Episcopus was given to the bishop of Rome. He is styled οἰκουμενικὸς ἀρχιεπίσκοπος (Mansi, vi. 1006, 1012), only in the Complaints of two Alexandrian deacons against Dioscurus; other patriarchs have the same appellation (see above, § 93, note 20). But in another place the title was surreptitiously introduced into the Latin acts by the Romish legates. In the sentence passed on Dioscurus, actio iii. (Mansi, vi. 1048), the council say, ô åyıúraros καὶ μακαριώτατος ἀρχιεπίσκοπος τῆς μεγάλης ταὶ πρεσβυτέρας Ρώμης Λέων: on the contrary, in the Latin acts which Leo sent to the Gallic bishops (Leonis Ep. 103, al. 82), we read: Sanctus ac beatissimus Papa, caput universalis Ecclesiae, Leo. In the older editions the beginning of Leo's Epist. 97 (ap. Quesn. 134, Baller. 165), runs thus: Leo Romae et universalis catholicaeque ecclesiae Episcopus Leoni semper Augusto salutem Quesnel and the Ballerini, however, found in all the Codices only: Leo Episcopus Leon Augusto. The fable, which is repeated even by the Catechismus Romanus, p. ii. c. 7, qu. 24, § 4, that Cyril, at the Council of Ephesus, styled the bishop of Rome, Archiepiscopum totius orbis terrarum Patrem et Patriarcham, first proceeded from the St. Thomae († 1274) Catena aurea in Evang. ad Matth. xvi. 18, who also, in his Opusc. contra errores Graecorum, falsely attributes many similar passages to the Greek fathers. See Launoja pistt. lib. i. Ep. 1–3.

FOURTH CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF MONACHISM.

Kud. Hospiniani de Monachis, h. e. de Origine et Progressu Monachatus libb. vi. Tiguri. 1588. ed. ii. auct. 1609. Genev. 1669. fol.-Ant. Dadini Alteserrae Asceticov s. Origg rei monasticae libb. x. Paris. 1674. 4. rec. ac praef. notasque adjecit Chr. F. Glück, Halae. 1782. 8.-Edm. Martene de Antiquis monachorum ritibus. Lugd. 1690. 4.-J. Binghami Origg. lib. vii. (vol. iii. p. 1, ss.)-Hippol. Helyot Histoire des ordres monas tiques, etc. Paris. 1714, 19. t. viii. 4. translated into German under the title: Ausführl. Gesch. aller geistl. u. weltl. Kloster u. Ritterorden. Leipzig. 1753, 56. 8 Bde. 4.-(Mus son) Pragm. Geschichte d. vornehmsten Mönchsorden aus ihren eigenen Geschichtschreibern (Paris. 1751, ss.) i. e., deutschen Ausz. (v. L. G. Crome) mit ein. Vorrede v. Ch. W. Fr. Walch. Leipzig. 1774-84. 10 Bde. 8. J. H. Möhler's Gesch. d. Mönchthums in d. Zeit, s. Entstehung u. ersten Ausbildung, in his Schriften u. Aufsätzen herausgeg. von Döllinger, ii. 165. Neander's Kirchengesch. ii. 2, 486, ss.

§ 95.

ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF MONACHISM IN THE EAST.

Solitude and asceticism were universally looked upon in this age as means of approximation to the Deity. The New Platonists recommended them.1 The Jewish Essenes and Thera

peutae lived in this manner.2 Thus Anthony (Div. I. § 73),

1 After Plato's example in the Phaedo and Theaetetus. Plotinus recommends the μévov εἶναι, μόνον πρὸς μόνον (θεὸν γενέσθαι. See Creuzer ad Plotini Opp. ed. Oxon. iii. 140, 276, 412. A. Jahnii Basilius Magnus plotinizans. Bernae. 1838. 4. p. 19.

2 Still in the time of Nilus, who lived as monk on Sinai, A.D. 430. See Nili tract. að Magnam, c. 39. (Nili tractatus ed. J. M. Suaresius, Romae. 1673. fol. p. 279), and de Monast. exercis. c. 3. (1. c. p. 2), where they are called 'Iɛcoałol.

appeared to have set forth the ideal of a Christian wise man ; he soon found many imitators, and other hermits fixed themselves in his neighborhood. Many more were concealed in inaccessible places, of whom one, Paul of Thebes († 340), who had lived in the desert ever since the Decian persecution, is said to have become known to Anthony shortly before his death." After a number of hermits had been brought into a kind of connection with one another by Anthony, Pachomius founded a place of habitation where they might dwell together (κοινόβιον, μάνδρα, claustrum.—Κοινοβίτης, Συνοδίτης), on the island Tabenna in the Nile (about 340), with a system of rules for the government of its inmates, by which strict obedience to the president ('Aßßãs, Ηγούμενος, Αρχιμανδρίτης) was particularly enforced. At the same time Amun founded a society of monks on the Nitrian mountain (Tò tñs Nitpias opos); and Macarius the elder1 in the neighboring wilderness of Sketis. Both were soon peopled by the monks, and became the most celebrated resorts. Hilarion assembled in the desert near Gaza, a company of monks, and from thence the system spread through Palestine and Syria." The Eusebian Eustathius, afterward bishop of Sebaste, introduced it into Armenia and Asia Minor." The peculiarities of the monkish life of this period consisted in solitariness, manual labor, spiritual exercises, restraint of the bodily appetites for the pur

8

5

3 Vita Antonii by Athanasius, see Div. I. § 73, note 22. Vita Pauli by Jerome.

4 Probably from him we have the Homiliae spirituales 50, ed. J. G. Pritius. Lips. 1698 and 1714. 8. Comp. Paniel's Gesch. der christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 396.

5 Coptic Schiêt, Greek Σkýтns, Ekýτis, ap. Ptolemy Zkíalıç, Latin Scetis, Scithis, Scytiaca, Scythium, means chiefly the hill on which Macarius settled, then the surrounding desert. Et. Quatremère Mémoires géograph. et hist. sur l'Egypte. (Paris. t. 2. 1811. 8.)

i. 451.

6 Vita Hilarionis by Jerome.-Aaúpa in Palestine.

7 On the first monks generally see Socrates, iv. 23, 24. Sozomenus, i. 12-15, iii. 14, vi. 28-34. Palladii (bishop of Helenopolis, afterward of Aspona, † about 420), Historia Lausiaca in Jo. Meursii Opp. vol. viii. (Florent. 1746. fol.) p. 329. Theodoreti pihó0ɛos ἱστορία,

8 Even Tertullian (de Orat. c. 25, et adv. Psychicos, c. 10) and Cyprian (de Orat. domin p. 154) recommended the hora tertia, sexta, and nona, as times of prayer, while every day, morning and evening, church service was performed. (Const. apost. ii. 59.) Among the monks different usages arose at first. The Egyptians had, on every day of the week, only two meetings for prayer (Cassianus de Instit. coenob. iii. 2, vespertinas ac nocturnas congregationes), and in their cells carried on manual labor, and prayed almost incessantly; those of the East came together for the purpose of singing psalms, hora tertia, sexta, et nona (1. c. c. 3), the matutina hora was first introduced at a later period into the monastery at Bethlehem (1. c. c. 4). Athanasius de virginitate (Opp. i. 1051, ss.), marks out for the nuns six seasons of prayer, viz., the third, sixth, ninth, twelfth hours (a more solemn assembly in the church at the last hour), μεσονύκτιον and πρὸς ὄρθρον. So also Jerone,