one another,34 for the purpose of exciting universal abhorrence of the enemy's doctrine. The sentiments of Augustine weret ecclesiastically confirmed by the decisions of African synods and by Zosimus in the west; although their author himself felt how dangerous they might be made to morals, and was able to bring them forward in popular instruction in no other than an inconsequential way.35 The Greek Church could not but stumble at them; but it troubled itself little about such controversies.36 The exiled western bishops hoped, therefore, that they would so

34 So the Pelagians palmed on Augustine the opinion, per diabolum aliquid substantiae creatum in hominibus (Augustin. de Nuptiis et Concupisc. ii. 34), quasi malum naturale cum Manichaeis sapiat, qui dicit, infantes secundum Adam carnaliter natos contagium mortis antiquae prima nativitate contrahere. On the contrary, Augustinus contra Julianum, lib. i. and ii. But Pelagianism also was not less misrepresented by its opponents. August. de Pecc. mer. et rem. ii. 2, designates the Pelagians as tantum praesumentes de libero humanae voluntatis arbitrio, ut ad non peccandum nec adjuvandos nos divinitus opinentur. C. 5: Dicunt, accepto semel liberae voluntatis arbitrio nec orare nos debere, ut Deus nos adjuvet, ne peccemus. Epist. Conc. Carthag. ad Innocent. (Aug. Epist. 175) 6: Parvulos etiam propter salutem, quae per salvatorem Christum datur, baptizandos negant-promittentes, etiamsi non baptizentur, habituros vitam aeternam.

35 De Dono perseverantiae, c. 22: Dolosi vel imperiti medici est, etiam utile medicamentum sic alligare, ut aut non prosit, aut obsit. One should not say to the church: Ita se habet de praedestinatione definita sententia voluntatis Dei, ut alii ex vobis de infidelitate, accepta obediendi voluntate, veneritis ad fidem. Quid opus est dici, alii ex vobis ? Si enim Ecclesiae Dei loquimur, si credentibus loquimur, cur alios eorum ad fidem venisse dicentes caeteris facere videamur injuriam ? cum possimus congruentius dicere: Ita se habet de praedestinatione definita sententia voluntatis Dei, ut ex infidelitate veneritis ad fidem accepta voluntate obediendi, et accepta perseverantia permaneatis in fide? Nec illud quod sequitur est omnino dicendum, i. e. caeteri vero qui in peccatorum delectatione remoramini, ideo nondum surrexistis, quia necdum vos adjutorium gratiae miserantis erexit: cum bene et convenienter dici possit et debeat: si qui autem adhuc in peccatorum damnabilium delectatione remoramini, apprehendite saluberrimam disciplinam: quod tamen cum feceritis, nolite extolli quasi de operibus vestris aut gloriari, quasi hoc non acceperitis; Deus est enim, qui operatur in vobis et velle et operari pro bona voluntate-de ipso autem cursu vestro bono rectoque condiscite vos ad praedestinationem divinae gratiae pertinere. Augustine is inconsistent when he, Epist. 194, c. 4, in accordance with his system, declares prayer to be an effect of Divine grace, and, Epist. 157, c. 2, says, we receive Divine grace humiliter petendo et faciendo, and, Op. imperf. iii. 107: Homines quando audiunt vel legunt, unumquemque recepturum secundum ea, quae per corpus gessit, non debent in suae voluntatis virtute confidere, sed orare potius talem sibi a Domino preparari voluntatem, ut non intrent in tentationem.

36 Comp. the refutation of Augustine's doctrines by Theodore of Mopsuestia, ap. Marius Mercator, ed. Baluz. p. 399, ss. ex. gr. p. 342: Nihil horum prospicere potuit mirabilis peccati originalis assertor, quippe qui in divinis scripturis nequaquam fuerit exercitatus, nec ab infantia, juxta b. Pauli vocem, sacras didicerit literas.-Novissime vero in hanc dogmatis recidit novitatem, qua diceret, quod in ira atque furore Deus Adam mortalem esse praeceperit, et propter ejus unum delictum cunctos etiam necdum natos homines morte multaverit. Sic autem disputans non veretur nec confunditur ea sentire de Deo, quae nec de hominibus sanum sapientibus et aliquam justitiae curam gerentibus unquam quis aestimare tentavit, caet. The Greek church historians are altogether silent concerning the Pelagian controversy.

much the more readily obtain protection in Constantinople, as they believed they had wholly in their favor the works of Chrysostom, which were highly esteemed in that place. 37 Hence they applied particularly to Nestor, who had been bishop of the see of Constantinople since 428. But since very prejudicial representations of Pelagianism had been disseminated from the west, especially by Marius Mercator, 38 who was personally present in Constantinople, 39 Nestorius saw the necessity of giving prominence to the ruinous consequences of the fall and the necessity of baptism, which the Pelagians were said to deny.40 But on the other hand, he found the Pelagians themselves who had fled to him, so little heterodox, that he asked from the Romish bishop Caelestine (429) an explanation respecting the grounds of their condemnation. This very relation of the Pe

41

37 So Julian appealed to Chrysostom. See August. contra Jul. i. c. 6, s. With the same view Annianus, doubtless the Annianus Pseudodiaconus Celedensis who is mentioned by Hieron. ad August. (August. Ep. 202) as a writer in favor of Pelagianism, and who was also present at the synod of Diospolís (see Garnerii Diss. i. ad Marium Mercat. c. 7), translated into Latin numerous homilies of Chrysostom, of which Hom. viii. in Matth. and Hom vii. de laudibus S. Pauli still exist. Comp. his Prologus ad Orontium Episc. (who was condemned at Ephesus for being a Pelagian) prefixed to the Hom. in Matth. (Chrysost. Opp. ed. Montfaucon, t. vii. init.): Quid enim vel ad prudentiam eruditius, vel ad exercitationem ignitius, vel ad dogma purgatius nostrorum auribus offeratur, quam praeclara haec tam insignis animi ingeniique monumenta? Et hoc maxime tempore, quo per occasionem quarundam nimis difficilium quaestionum aedificationi morum atque ecclesiasticae disciplinae satis insolenter obstrepitur. Quid pressius ille commendat, quam ingenitae nobis a Deo libertatis decus cujus confessio praecipuum inter nos gentilesque discrimen est, qui hominem, ad imaginem Dei conditum, tam infeliciter fati violentia et peccandi putant necessitate devinctum, ut is etiam pecoribus invidere cogatur? Quid ille adversus eosdem magistros potius insinuat, quam Dei esse possibilia mandata, et hominem totius vel quae jubetur vel suadetur a Deo capacem esse virtutis ? Quo quidem solo et iniquitas ab imperante propellitur, et praevaricanti reatus affigitur. Jam vero iste eruditorum decus cum de gratiae Dei disserit, quanta illam ubertate, quanta etiam cautione concelebrat? Non enim est in alterutro aut incautus, aut nimius, sed in utroque moderatus. Sic liberas ostendit hominum voluntates, ut ad Dei tamen mandata facienda divinae gratiae necessarium ubique fateatur auxilium: sic continuum divinae gratiae auxilium commendat, ut nec studia voluntatis interimat. Chrysost. in Epist. ad Rom. Hom. x. expressly rejects, as an absurdity, the opinion that by Adam's disobedience another person becomes a sinner. On the relation of grace to freedom he speaks in Epist. ad Hebr. Hom. xii.

38 Opera ed. Jo. Garnerius, Paris. 1673. fol., better Steph. Baluzius, Par. 1684. 8 (reprinted in Gallandii Bibl. vett. Patr. viii. 613). In the Commonitorium adv. haeresin Pelagii et Caelestii vel etiam scripta Juliani, ed. Baluz. p. 1. Commonitorium super nomine Caelestii (429, presented to the emperor Theodosius II.) p. 132.

39 Marius Mercator always gives special prominence to the tenets of Caelestius (see note 4), though Pelagius had rejected most of them at the synod of Diospolis.

40 Nestorii Sermones iv. contra Pelagium (Latin, partly in nothing but an extract in Marius Mercator, p. 120. The four discourses in the original among Chrysostom's orations ed. Montfaucon, x. p. 733) are not aimed directly against Pelagius.

41 Marius Merc. p. 119: Contra haeresin Pelagii seu Caelestii-quamvis recte sentiret

lagians to Nestorius was ruinous to them in the west; an internal necessary connection between Pelagianism and Nestorianism was hunted out,42 and at the third general council at Ephesus (431) Pelagianism was condemned along with Nestorianism.13 Yet the Augustinian doctrine of grace and predestination was never adopted in the east."

44

43

But even in the west, where this doctrine had been ecclesiastically ratified, there were never more than a few who held to it in its fearful consequences. Its injurious practical effects could not be overlooked, and appeared occasionally in outward manifestation.45 The monks in particular were naturally opposed to a view which annihilated all the meritoriousness of their monastic exercises.4 Hence Augustine soon found his doctrine disputed even by opponents of the Pelagians. The monks of Massilia especially, adopted a view of free grace between that of Augustine and that of Pelagius, which seems to have originated chiefly with John Cassian († soon after 432),18

46

et doceret, Julianum tamen ex Episcopo Eclanensi cum participibus suis hujus haeresis signiferum et antesignanum, olim ab apostolica sententia exauctoratum atque depositum, in amicitiam interim censuit suscipiendum. Spem enim absolutionis promittens, ipsum quoque Caelestium litteris suis-consolatus est. This writing follows, p. 131. On this account Nestorius applied, in the year 429, to the Romish bishop Caelestine, in two letters (ap. Baronius ad ann. 430, no. 3, ap. Coustant among the Epistt. Caelest. Ep. vi. and vii.). In the first: Julianus, caet.-saepe-Imperatorem adierunt, ac suas causas defleverunt, tanquam orthodoxi temporibus orthodoxis persecutionem passi saepe eadem et apud nos lamentantes.-Sed quoniam apertiore nobis de causis eorum notitia opus est,-dignare nobis notitiam de his largiri, caet.

42 See below, § 88, note 18.

43 See below, § 88, note 27.

44 Münscher's Dogmengeschichte, iv. 238.

45 Comp. the memorable controversy among the monks of Adrumetum, 426 and 427. August. Epistt. 214-216. Retractt. ii. 66, 67. Some (Ep. 214) sic gratiam praedicant, ut negent hominis esse liberum arbitrium, et, quod est gravius, dicant, quod in die judicii non sit redditurus Deus unicuique secundum opera ejus. They said accordingly (Retr. ii. 67), neminem corripiendum, si Dei praecepta non facit, sed pro illo ut faciat, tantummodo orandum (different after all only in the form, not essentially, from the doctrines of Augustine!) Others (Ep. 215) asserted, like the Semipelagians, secundum aliqua merite humana dari gratiam Dei. A strictly Augustinian party stood between. Against the first Augustine wrote de Correptione et Gratia; against the second de Gratia et libero Arbitrio. Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist. 245, ff.

46 Comp. for example Cassiani Coll. xix. 8: Finis quidem Coenobitae est, omnes suas mortificare et crucifigere voluntates, ac secundum evangelicae perfectionis salutare mundatum nihil de crastino cogitare. Quam perfectionem prorsus a nemine, nisi a Coenobita impleri posse certissimum est.

47 Joh. Geffcken Hist. Semipelagianismi antiquissima. Gotting. 1826. 4. Wiggers Darstellung des Augustinismus u. Pelagianismus, 2ter Th.-On the differences between him and Vitalis see August. Epist. 217. Walch, v. 9. Geffcken, p. 40, ss. Wiggers, ii. 198. 48 His works: De institutis Coenobiorum libb. xii. Collationes Patrum xxiv. Do

49

a disciple of Chrysostom. Augustine received the first account of these Massilians, or, as they were first named by the Scholastics, Semipelagians, from his zealous adherents Prosper of Aquitania, and Hilary (429), and attempted to bring them over to his views in his last two works (429, 430). After Augustine's death, Prosper († 460)52 continued the controversy

50

51

Incarnatione Christi adv. Nestorium libb. vii.-Opp. ed. Alardus Gazaeus. Duaci. 1616 3 t. 8, auct. Atrebati. 1628. fol. (Reprinted Francof. 1722,. and Lips. 1733. fol)-Cf. G. F. Wiggers de Joanne Cassiano Massiliensi, qui Semipelagianismi auctor vulgo perhibetur, Comm. iii. Rostochii, 1824 and 25. 4. The same author's Augustinismus u.. Pelag. ii. 7. Jean Cassien, sa vie et ses écrits, thèse par L. F. Meyer. Strasbourg. 1840. 4.

49 Comp. especially Collat, xiii. (according to Wiggers, ii. 37, written between 428 and 431, according to Geffcken, p. 6, somewhat before 426). Among other things we find, in e. 9: Propositum namque Dei, quo non ob hoc hominem fecerat ut periret, sed ut in perpetuum viverit, manet immobile. Cujus benignitas cum bonae voluntatis in nobis quantulamcunque scintillam emicuisse perspexerit, vel quam ipse tamquam de dura silice nostri cordis excusserit, confovet eam et exsuscitat, suaque inspiratione confortat, volens omnes homines salvos fieri, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire (1 Tim. ii. 4)-Qui enim ut pereat unus ex pusillis non habet voluntatem, quomodo sine ingenti sacrilegio putandus est, non universaliter omnes, sed quosdam salvos fieri velle pro omnibus ?—C. 8 : Adest inseparabiliter nobis semper divina prosectio, tantaque est erga creaturam suam pietas creatoris, ut non solum comitetur eam, sed etiam praecedat jugi providentia.—Qui cum in nobis ortum quendam bonae voluntatis inspexerit, illuminat eam confestim, atque confortat, et incitat ad salutem, incrementum tribuens ei, quam vel ipse plantavit, vel: nostro conatu viderit emersisse.-Et non solum sancta desideria benignus inspirat, sed etiam occasiones praestruit vitae, et opportunitatem boni effectus ac salutaris viae directionem demonstrat errantibus.-C. 9: Ut autem evidentius clareat,, etiam per naturae bonum, quod beneficio creatoris indultum est, nonnunquam bonarum voluntatum prodire principia, quae tamen nisi a Domino dirigantur, ad consummationem virtutum pervenire non possunt, Apostolus testis est dicens: Velle adjacet mihi, perficere autem bonum non invenio (Rom. vii. 18).-C. 11: Haec duo, i. e., vel gratia Dei, vel liberum arbitrium, sibi quidem invicem videntur adversa, sed utraque concordant, et utraque nos pariter debere suscipere, pietatis ratione colligimus, ne unum horum homini subtrahentes, ecclesiasticae fidei regulam excessisse videamur. C. 12: Unde cavendum est nobis, ne ita ad Dominumomnia sanctorum merita referamus, ut nihil nisi id quod malum atque perversum est humanae adscribamus naturae.-Dubitari ergo non potest, inesse quidem omni animae naturaliter virtutum semina beneficio creatoris inserta, sed nisi haec opitulatione Deż fuerint excitata, ad incrementum perfectionis non poterunt pervenire. Collat. iii. c. 12. Nullus justorum sibi sufficit ad obtinendam justitiam, nisi per momenta singula titubanti ei et corruenti fulcimenta manus suae supposuerit divina clementia. Wiggers, ii. 47. 50 Ep. Prosperi ad August. among Augustine's epistles, Ep. 225, Ep. Hilarii, 226.. Wiggers, ii. 153.

51 De Praedestinatione Sanctorum liber ad Prosperum. De Dono perseverantiae liber ad Prosperum et Hilarium (s. liber secundus de Praedest. Sanct.)

52 Works: Epistola ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio.. Carmen de ingratis.. Epigrammata ii. in Obtrectatorem S. Augustini, all belonging to 429 and 430.-Epitaphium Nestorianae et Pelagianae haereseos, 431. Comp. Wiggers, ii. 169. Against new opponents (comp. Walch, v. 67. Geffcken, p. 32. Wiggers, ii. 184): Pro Augustino responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum calumniantium. Pro Augustini doctrina resp. ad capitula objectionum Vincentianarum (doubtless Vinc. Lirin.). Pro Augustino. respons. ad excepta, quae de Genuensi civitate sunt missa. De gratia Dei et libera Arbitrio lib. s. contra Collatorem (about 432, Wiggers, ii. 138). Besides see Chronicor

To

with greater violence, but could not prevent the Semipelagian doctrines from spreading farther, especially in Gaul. these Semipelagians also belonged Vincentius Lirinensis († 450) whose Commonitorium, composed in the year 434, was one of the works most read in the west as a standard book of genuine Catholicism.53

III. CONTROVERSIES CONCERNING THE PERSON OF CHRIST.

$88.

NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY.

SOURCES: Nestor's own account (Evagrius Hist. eccl. i. 7) was made use of by Irenaeus (Comes, then from 444 to 448, bishop of Tyre) in his Tragoedia s. comm. de rebus in synodo Ephesina, ac in Oriente toto Gestis. This last work of Irenaeus is lost; but the original documents appended to it were transferred in the sixth century, in a Latin translation, to the Synodicon (Variorum Epist. ad Conc. Eph. pertinentes ex MS. Casin. ed. Chr. Lupus. Lovan. 1682. 4, in an improved form ap. Mansi, v. 731, and in Theodoreti Opp. ed. Schulze, v. 608). Marius Mercator also has many fragments of Acts, Opp. P. ii. (see above, § 87, note 38). A complete collection of all the Acts is given in Mansi, iv. p. 567, ss. and t. v.-Account of this controversy by Ibas, bishop of Edessa, in the Epist. ad Marin Persam (mostly contained in the Actis Conc. Chalced. Act. x. ap. Mansi, vii. p. 241, ss.).-Liberatus's (archdeacon in Carthage about 553) Breviarum causae Nestorianorum et Eutychianorum (ed. Jo. Garnerius. Paris. 1675. *8, ap. Mansi, ix. p. 659, and in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. p. 119).-Besides Socrates, vii. c. 29, ss. Evagrius, i. c. 7, ss.

Walch's Ketzerhistorie, v. 289. Wundemann's Gesch. d. Glaubenslehre, ii. 265. Münscher's Dogmengeschichte, iv. 53. Neander's Kirchengesch. ii. iii. 927. Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtl. Entwickelung, i. 693.

In the Arian controversy the doctrine concerning Christ's person had been touched upon, but without being fully developed. When the Arians inferred from the Catholic doctrine of a human soul in Christ that there were two persons,1 the

(till 454).—Opp. ed. Jo. le Brun de Marette et D. Mangeaut. Paris. 1711. fol. cum var. lectt. ex Cod. Vatic. Romae. 1758. 8.

53 Commonitorium pro catholicae fidei antiquitate et universitate adv. profanas omnium haereticor. novitates. Often published among others, cum August de Doctr. christ. ed. G. Calixtus. Helmst. 1629. 8 (ed. ii. 1655. 4) cum Salviani Opp. ed. St. Baluzius. (Paris. 1633. ed. ii. 1669. ed. iii. 1684. 8) ed. Engelb. Klüpfel. Viennae. 1809. Herzog. Vratisl. 1839. 8, comp. Wiggers, ii. 208. That this Vincentius is the one who was attacked by Prosper, and that even in the Commonitorium Semipelagian traces are found, has been proved by Vossius, Norisius, Natalis, Alexander, Oudinus de Scriptt. eccl. i. 1231. Geffcken, p. 53. Wiggers, ii. 195. On the contrary side, Act. SS. Maji, vol. v. p. 284, ss. Hist. littéraire de la France, t. ii. p. 309.

1 See § 83, note 28.