24

from 393 bishop of Mopsuestia († 429), the most eminent exegetical writer of the Syrian school.

The difference of the exegetical principles of the two schools gave expression to itself even in controversial writings.25 This dispute however had an entirely scientific character, and did not prevent them recognizing each other's merit. As the Origenist Jerome made diligent use of the interpreters of the Syrian school, so also Origen for the most part stood in high estimation with the Syrians.26 But small traces of doctrinal controversies are

13 Tomi. 8. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, viii. 454. A. Neander der h. Joh. Chrysostomus u. d. Kirche bes. des. Orients in dessen Zeitalter. Berlin. 1821, 22. 2 Bde. 8.

24 His noted biblical commentaries have been unfortunately lost with the rest of his writings, except some fragments. Recently, complete works of his have been published in the original. See Comm. in Prophetas, xii. minores taken from a Vienna MS. in: Theod. Antiocheni Mopsv. Episc. quae supersunt omnia, ed. A. F. V. a Wegnern, vol. i. Berol. 1834. 8. from a Vatican MS. in A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. t. vi. p. i. Romae. 1832; and Comm. in epist. ad Romanos, edited by Angelo Mai in the Spicilegium Romanum, tom. iv. (Romae. 1840. 8) p. 499. The Chaldean Christians who call him, by way of eminence, the interpreter (Assemani, 1. c. t. iii. P. i. p. 36), and have declared in the decrees of councils his expositions to be a standard (Assem. 1. c. t. iii. P. ii. p. 227), have still much of his in translations. A catalogue of his works by Ebedjesu ap. Assemani, iii. i. 30, cf. Fabricius-Harles, x. 346. R. E. Klener Symbolae literariae ad Theodorum Antiochenum Mopsvestiae Episc. pertinentes. Gotting. 1836, 8. O. F. Fritzsche de Theod. Mopsvesteni vita et scriptis comm. Halae. 1836. 8. Respecting Theodore as an interpreter, see Ernesti Opuse. theol. p. 502, ss. Rosenmüller Hist. interpret. iii. 250. Münter in Stäudlin's und Tzschirner's Archive f. K. G. i. i. 17. F. L. Sieffert Theodorus Mopsv. veteris Test. sobrie interpretandi vindex comm. Regiomonti. 1827. 8. Comp. among the accusations of Leontius against Theodore (in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 686, s.): xii. aggreditur-gloriam Spiritus Sancti, cum omnes quidem scripturas altas, quas sancti afflatu ejus tradiderunt, humiliter et demisse interpretans, tum vero a numero sacracum scripturarum-eas separans. xiv. Epistolam Jacobi et alias deinceps aliorum catholicas abrogat et antiquat. xv. Inscriptiones Hymnorum, et Psalmorum, et Canticorum penitus ejecit, et omnes Psalmos judiace ad Zorobabelem et Ezechiam retulit, tribus tantum ad Dominum rejectis. xvi. Immo et sanctorum sanctissimum Canticum Canticorum-libidinose pro sua et mente et lingua meretricia interpretans, sua supra modum incredibili audacia ex libris sacris abscidit. xvii. Duos libros Paralipomenon-et insuper Esdram repudiavit. 25 The Origenists endeavored, after the example of Origen to prove the insufficiency of the grammatical interpretation, and the necessity of the allegorical. For example Gregorius Nyssenus Prooem. in Cant. Cant., Jerome in many places. On the other side wrote Theodore according to Suidas s. v. Διόδωρος· τίς διαφορὰ θεωρίας καὶ ἀλληγορίας. Comp. on this treatise Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 499. Still more energetically did Theodore of Mopsuestia attack the Origenists (Facundas, iii. c. 6): in libro de allegoria et historia, quem contra Origenem scripsit, unde et odium Origenianorum incurrit. Ebedjesu cites among Theodore's works quinque tomos adv. Allegoricos (Assemani, iii. i. 34, cf. p. 19). 26 So with the author of the 'Aπокρíσεis πρòs тoùs ópłodóğovç in Justin Martyr's works, who belongs to Syria, about the year 400 (D. W. Gass Abhandlung über diese Schrift, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1842. iv. 34. Comp. S. 143, 103), and with Chrysostom (see Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 512, and the programm by J. W. Meyer de Chrysostomo literarum sacr. interprete, p. i. Altorf. 1806. 8. De Ch. 1. s. i. ejusque interpretandi modo in V. T. libris hist. obvio. Norimb. 1806. 8. Nova comm. de Chr. 1. s. i. p. ii. Erlang. 1811, 15. 4, respecting his exposition of the poetical books of the Old Testament).

now to be found between the two schools.27 Those orthodox Origenists did not adopt all the peculiar doctrinal sentiments of their master; nor were these doctrines all reckoned damnable. A pretty wide field for free investigation was still left to reason,2 and the passion with which the question of the relation of the Son to the Father was discussed, made this doctrine so much the test of orthodoxy, almost indeed exclusively so, that they never thought during the Arian controversy of limiting freedom of inquiry on other subjects. Gregory of Nyssa 29 and Didymus 3o were known as Origenists. Many others held to single points of Origen's creed 31 without being attacked on that account. Chalcidius 32 and Synesius came to adopt still more remarkable opinions by joining new-Platonism with Christianity; yet the latter was consecrated bishop of Ptolemais by Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, although he gave public expression to his convictions (410).33 The belief in the inalienable capability of

30

27 Theophili Alex. lib. paschalis, i. Hieronymo interprete (Hier. Opp. ed. Martian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 694): Licet (Apollinaris) adversus Arianos, et Eunomianos scripserit, et Origenem, aliosque haereticos sua disputatione subverterit, tamen, etc. So Apollinaris also defended millennarianism in a work πɛрì άvaσrúσews. Basil. Ep. 263. (al. 74) § 4, Hieron. Prooem. in libr. xviii. Jesaiae. Epiph. Haer. Ixxvii. § 36.

28 Gregor. Naz. Orat. 33 (de Theol. i.) in fine: Hiλoσópɛi poi tεpì kóσμov î) kóσμwv, περὶ ὕλης, περὶ ψυχῆς, περὶ λογικῶν φύσεων βελτιόνων τε καὶ χειρόνων, περὶ ἀναστάσεως, κρίσεως, ἀνταποδόσεως, Χριστοῦ παθημάτων. Ἐν τούτοις γὰρ καὶ τὸ ἐπιτυγ χάνειν οὐκ ἄχρηστον, καὶ τὸ διαμαρτάνειν ἀκίνδυνον. Even in the west the doctrine of the pre-existence of souls was not yet regarded as heretical. Augustine de Libero arbitrio, iii. 21: Harum autem quatuor de anima sententiarum, utrum de propagine veniant, an in singulis quibusque nascentibus novae fiant, an in corpora nascentium jam alicubi existentes vel mittantur divinitus, vel inde sua sponte labantur, nullam temere affirmare oportebit. Cf. Hieron. Epist. 126 (al. 82), ad Marcellinam et Anapsychiam.

29 See Jo. Dallaeus de Poenis et Satisfactionibus humanis (libb. vii. Amst. 1649. 4), lib. iv. c. 7, p. 368, ss. Münscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 439, 465. Wundemann's Gesch. d. christl. Glaubenslehren, ii. 463. Rupp's Gregor v. Nyssa, S. 243.

20 On this theology see Guerike de schola Alex. P. ii. p. 332, ss., especially on the preexistence of souls, p. 361, and the possible conversion of the devil, p. 359, 368, especially Lücke Quaestiones ac vindiciae Didymianae P. i. p. 9, ss. Against the former, Gregory of Nazianzum declares himself very decidedly (see Ullmann, p. 414, ff.).

31 The doctrine of Hilary regarding the humanity of Christ, de trin. x., was made up from the opinions of Clement of Alexandria and Origen. See my Comm., qua Clementis Alex. et Origenis doctrinae de corpore Christi exponuntur. Gotting. 1837. 4; that of C. Marius Victorinus philos. (about 368) in Comm. in ep. ad Ephes. i. 4 (Maji Scriptt. vett. nova collect. iii. ii. 90, 93, s.), animas nostras et ante mundi constitutionem fuisse, quippe cum sua substantia in aeternis semper extiterint, is Origenistic.

32 Cf. Chalc. Comm. in Timaeum Platonis in Hippolyti Opp. ed. Fabricius, ii. 225 Mosheim ad Cudworth Syst. intell. p. 732, regards him as a heathen syncretist. See on the other side Fabricii bibl. lat. i. 556, Brucker Hist. philos. iii. 477.

33 Synesius Ep. 105, ad fratrem Euoptium announces why he felt it a hazardous thing to assume the office of a bishop, which had been offered him. Among other things, it is

improvement in all rational beings, and the limited duration of future punishment34 was so general even in the west35 and among the opponents of Origen, 36 that, even if it may not be said to have arisen without the influence of Origen's school, it had become entirely independent of his system. On the other hand, millennarianism, although it had been abandoned by most theologians, had still many friends among the people, without their being considered as heretics on account of it.

7

37

said: Χαλεπόν ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ καὶ λίαν ἀδύνατον, εἰς ψυχὴν τὰ δι' ἐπιστήμης εἰς ἀπόδειξιν ἐλθόντα δόγματα σαλευθῆναι· οἶσθα'δ' ὅτι πολλὰ φιλοσοφία τοῖς θρυλλουμένοις τούτοις ἀντιδιατάττεται δόγμασιν. ἀμέλει τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ ἀξιώσω ποτὲ σώματος ὑστερογενῆ νομίζειν· τὸν κόσμον οὐ φήσω καὶ τἄλλα μέρη συνδιαφθείρεσθαι· τὴν καθωμιλημένην ἀνάστασιν ἱερόν τι καὶ ἀπόῤῥητον ἥγημαι, καὶ πολλοῦ δέω ταῖς τοῦ πλήθους ὑπολήψεσιν ὁμολογῆσαι —ᾗ τοῖς ὀφθαλμῶσι τὸ σκότος ὠφελιμώτερον, ταύτῃ καὶ τὸ ψεῦδος ὄφελος εἶναι τίθεμαι δήμῳ, καὶ βλαβερὸν τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῖς οὐκ ἰσχύουσιν ἐνατενίσαι πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὄντων ἐνάργειαν. εἰ ταῦτα καὶ οἱ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς ἱερωσύνης συγχωροῦσιν ἐμοί νόμοι, δυναίμην ἂν ἱερᾶσθαι, τῶ μὲν οἴκοι φιλοσοφῶν, τὰ δ' ἔξω φιλομυθῶν.-οὐ βούλομαι δὲ καταλελεῖφθαί τινα περὶ ἐμοῦ λογὸν, ὡς ἀγνοηθεῖς ἥρπασα τὴν χειροτονίαν· ἀλλ' εἰδὼς ὁ θεοφιλέστατος πατὴρ Θεόφιλος, καὶ ὡς ἐπίσταται, σαφές μοι ποιήσας, οὕτω βουλευσάσθω περì έμov. Cf. Evagrius, i. c. 15. Photius Cod. 26. Comp. Synesius des Kyrenäers Rede an Arkadios, griesch. u. deutsch v. Krabinger. München. 1825. 8. Einl. S. xix., ff. Even when bishop, Synesius continued true to his philosophical system. Cf. Luc. Holstenii diss. de Synesio, in the app. of Theodoretus, etc., ed. Valesii, p. 202. Aem. Th. Clausen de Synesio philosopho, Libyae Pentapoleos metropolita. Hafniae. 1831. 8.

34 Hieronymus ad Gal. v. 22: Nullam rationabilium creaturarum apud Deum perire perpetuo. Cf. ad Eph. iv. 16. Ambrosiaster in Eph. iii. 10. J. A. Dietelmair Commenti fanatici de rerum omnium 'Arокатασтúσε hist. antiquior. Altorfii. 1769. 8. p. 160, ss.

35 Augustini Enchirid. ad Laurent. c. 112: Frustra nonnulli, immo quam plurimi, aeternam damnatorum poenam et cruciatus sine intermissione perpetuos humano miserentur affectu, atque ita futurum esse non credunt: non quidem scripturis divinis adversando, sed pro suo modo dura quaeque molliendo et in leniorem flectendo sententiam, quae putant in eis terribilius esse dicta quam verius. Non enim obliviscetur, inquiunt, misereri Deus, aut continebit in ira sua miserationes suas. (Ps. lxxvii. 10).

36 In Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, whose expressions on the subject. have been preserved by Salomo, bishop of Bassora (about 1222), in Assemani Bibl. Or. iii. i. 323. Respecting Theodore comp. Photii Cod. 81, Marius Mercator. p. 346, ed. Baluzii. 37 Hieronymus Prooem. in lib. xviii. in Esaiam: Nec ignoro, quanta inter homines. sententiarum diversitas sit. Non dico de mysterio trinitatis, cujus recta confessio est ignoratio scientiae: sed de aliis ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, de resurrectione scilicet, et de animarum et humanae carnis statu, de repromissionibus futurorum, quomodo debeant accipi, et qua ratione intelligenda sit Apocalypsis Johannis, quam si juxta literam accipimus, judaizandum est; si spiritualiter, ut scripta est, disserimus, multorum veterum videbimur opinionibus contraire, Latinorum Tertulliani, Victorini, Lactantii, Graecorum, ut caeteros praetermittam, Irenaei tantum Lugdunensis Episcopi faciam mentionem. Adversum quem vir eloquentissimus Dionysius Alexandrinae Ecclesiae Pontifex elegantem scribit librum, irridens mille annorum fabulam.-Cui duobus voluminibus respondit Apollinarius, quem non solum suae sectae homines, sed et nostrorum in hac parte duntaxat plurima sequitur multitudo, ut praesaga mente jam cernam, quantorum in me rabies concitanda sit. Cf. Idem. lib. iv. in Jeremiam (on Cap. 19): qua (millennarian opinions) licet non sequamur, damnare tamen non possumus, quia multi ecclesiasticorum virorum et martyrum ista dixerunt. Unusquisque in suo sensu abundet, et Domini cuncta reserventur judicio.

VOL. I.—21

A thorough opposition between the two schools was estab lished by the circumstance that the Syrian school acknowledged Holy Scripture alone as the source of doctrine, 38 while the disciples of Origen advocated their Gnostic tradition as a second source.39 But they did not attain to a scientific examination of these two positions, since all scientific free movement in the province of theology was soon checked from another quarter. In the same degree as monachism prevailed, there spread also a prejudice against having any thing to do with worldly science and heathen writers.40 By this means there was formed and strengthened a crowd of traditional theologians, who, inimical to all free inquiry, would endure no opinion which could not be pointed out in the fathers. Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, from the year 367 († 403), may be regarded as the representative of this tendency. Even in his Panarion (Haer. 63 and 64), he made himself known as a bitter enemy of Origen; and when the Arian controversy was at an end, he began an open war against Origenism. While this contest put a stop to all free inquiry in the east, the western world was contemporaneously bound in spiritual fetters by Augustine; and free science every where banished from the church as a thing which causes mischief.

41

38 Cyrilli Hieros. Cat. iv. c. 17 : Δεῖ γὰρ περὶ τῶν θείων καὶ ἁγίων τῆς πίστεως μυστη ρίων μηδὲ τὸ τυχὸν ἄνευ τῶν θείων παραδίδοσθαι γραφῶν, καὶ μὴ ἁπλῶς πιθανότησι καὶ λόγων κατασκευαῖς παραφέρεσθαι. Μηδὲ ἐμοὶ τῷ ταῦτά σοι λεγοντι ἁπλῶς πιστεύσης, ἐὰν τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῶν καταγγελλομένων ἀπὸ τῶν θειῶν μὴ λάβῃς γραφῶν. So in many places of his catecheses. See Touttée Diss. ii. prefixed to his edition of Cyril, p. 129, s. In like manner, it is said in the work de fide (see above, note 18) lib. i. (Sirmondi Opp. i. 11), which probably belongs to Eusebius Emesenus: Confitere ea, quae de Patre et Filio scripta sunt, et noli curiosius ea, quae non sunt scripta, requirere.-Utinam solis scripturis contenti essemus! et lis nulla fiebat. Lib. ii. p. 20: Si quid scriptum non est, ne quidem dicatur si quid autem scriptum est, ne deleatur.

39 Comp. Div. I. § 63, note 4. Basilius de Spir. S. c. 27: Twv ¿v tỷj ’Ekkλnoíą πEQVλαγμένων δογμάτων καὶ κηρυγμάτων τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἐγγράφου διδασκαλίας ἔχομεν, τὰ δὲ ἐκ τῆς τῶν ̓Αποστόλων παραδόσεως διαδοθέντα ἡμῖν ἐν μυστηρίῳ παρεδεξάμεθα, ἅπερ ἀμφότερα τὴν αὐτὴν ἰσχὺν ἔχει πρὸς τὴν εὐσέβειαν. Thus also Gregory of Nazianzum Orat. theol. v. § 1 (see § 83, note 27) could assume that the doctrine of the Holy Spirit had now come over from the obscurity of gnostic tradition into faith (πíσTIS).

40 As it is expressed in the dream of Jerome, viz., that he was punished with stripes before the most high judge, because he had read Cicero too often (Hier. Epist. 22, ad Eustochium). Comp. Münscher's Dogmengesch. iii. 47.

41 His writings: 'Aуkvρwтóç s. de fide sermo. Ilavúpiov s. adv. haereses.-Opp. ed. D. Petavius. Paris. 1622. (Colon. 1682.) 2 voll. fol.

II. PERIOD OF THE ORIGENISTIC AND PELAGIAN CONTROVERSIES.

§ 85.

ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES.

Walch's Hist. d. Ketzereien. Th. 7. S. 427, ff.

Shortly after the termination of the Arian controversies, Palestine was the chief seat of Origen's followers. Among them the most distinguished were John, bishop of Jerusalem (386-417), and the two monks, Rufinus and Jerome. Here Epiphanius made his appearance in the year 394, and demanded with zeal the condemnation of Origen. John and Rufinus resisted him: while Jerome, who was anxiously alive to his orthodoxy, yielded, and broke off communion with the church of Jerusalem.1 By the efforts of Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, he was indeed induced to renew it, 397. In the mean time, in the same year, Rufinus went back to Rome, and endeavored, by a revised translation of the writings of Origen, which were as yet little known, to procure a more favorable opinion of him in the west. this means a violent controversy was created between him and

2

By

Π

1 Cf. Kimmel de Rufino Eusebii interprete (Gerae. 1838). p. 57. Hieronymi lib. ad Pammachium contra Joann. Hieros. (ap. Martianay Epist. 38). Here the following erroneous doctrines are attributed to Origen (comp. Div. I. § 64, note 15): 1. In libro πepÌ ·åpx☎v (i. 1. § 8) ·loquitur: Sicut enim incongruum est dicere, quod possit filius videre patrem, ita inconveniens est opinari, quod spiritus s. possit videre filium, 2. quod in hoc corpore quasi in carcere sunt animae religatae, et, antequam homo fieret in paradiso, inter rationales creaturas in coelestibus commoratae sunt, 3. quod dicat, et diabolum et daemones acturos poenitentiam aliquando, et cum sanctis ultimo tempore regnaturos, 4. quod tunicas pelliceas humana corpora interpretetur, quibus post offensam et ejectionem de paradiso Adam et Eva induti sunt, 5. quod carnis resurrectionem, membrorumque compagem, et sexum, quo viri dividimur a foeminis, apertissime neget, 6. quod sic Paradisum, allegorizet, ut historiae auferat veritatem, pro arboribus angelos, pro fluminibus virtutes coelestes intelligens, totamque paradisi continentiam tropologica interpretatione subvertat, 7. quod aquas, quae super caelos in scripturis esse dicuntur, sanctus supernasque virtutes; quae super terram et infra terram, contrarias et daemoniacas esse arbitretur, 8. quod imaginem et similitudinam dei, ad quam homo conditus fuerat, dicit ab eo perditam, et in homine post paradisum non fuisse.

2 Anastasii I. Epist. ad Joh. Hierosol. A.D. 401 (ap. Coustant, p. 719): Origines autem, cujus in nostram linguam [Rufinus] composita derivavit, antea et quis fuerit, et in quae processerit verba, nostrum propositum [studium ?] nescit. Augustini Ep. ad Hieron. 40: Illud de prudentia doctrinaque tua desiderabam, et adhuc desidero, ut nota nobis facias ea ipsa ejus [Origenis] errata, quibus a fide veritatis ille vir tantus recessisse convincitur.