and often exorcism,23 as a powerful defense against the machinations of evil spirits. Probably they already began to apply the latter in the case of those persons who, renouncing the prince of this world, prepared themselves for baptism.24 Many new usages were connected with baptism itself toward the end of the second century.25

The concluding of a marriage was announced by the bishop of the church; and with this was very naturally connected the giving of his blessing on the new union.26 Second marriages were condemned by many in all cases,27 and began to be expressly disallowed in the case of the clergy.28 But when the

23 Tertull. de Idololatr. c. 11, of the Christian Thurarius: Qua constantia exorcizabit alumnos suos (i. e., the demons, ironically), quibus domum suam cellariam praestat? De Cor. milltis, c. 11, of the Christian soldiers: Quos interdiu exorcismis fugavit, noctibus defensabit, incumbens et requiescens super pilum, quo perfossum est latus Christi?

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24 Barnabas Epist. c. 16: Πρὸ τοῦ ἡμᾶς πιστεῦσαι τῷ θεῷ, ἦν ἡμῶν τὸ κατοικητήριον τῆς καρδίας φθαρτὸν καὶ ἀσθενὲς-οἶκος δαιμόνων, διὰ τὸ ποιεῖν ὅσα ἦν ἐναντία τῷ θεῷ. From this view, the application of exorcism in the case of candidates for baptism resulted as a matter of course.

25 The ceremony of baptism was still very simple, as described in Justin Apol. i. c. 79. Otherwise in Tertull. de Cor. mil. c. 3: Aquam adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in ecclesia, sub antistitis manu contestamur, nos renunciare diabolo (úñorúoσeo9ai diaßóho̟) et pompae et angelis ejus. Dehinc ter mergitamur, amplius aliquid respondentes quam dominus in Evangelio determinavit. Inde suscepit lactis et mellis concordiam praegustamus (qua infantamur, adv. Marc. i. c. 14): exque ea die lavacro quotidiano per totam hebdomadam abstimemus. There is an opinion that the last-mentioned rite was borrowed from the heathen mysteries; see Mosheim de rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 321. 321. An excursus to the whole passage is given in Neander's Antignosticus, S. 149, ff.-Tertull. de Baptismo, c. 7: Exinde egressi de lavacro perungimur benedicta unctione (xpíoμarı) de pristina disciplina, qua ungi oleo de cornu in sacerdotium solebant. (This anointing, according to Thilo Acta Thomae, p. 177, was of Gnostic origin.) Cap. 8: Dehinc manus imponitur, per benedictionem advocans et invitans spiritum sanctum (xɛipolɛoía). Jo. Dallaeus de duobus Latinorum ex unctione sacramentis. Genev. 1659. 4, p. 126, ss. Neander's K. G. i. i. 543.

26 Ignat. Epist. ad Polycarp. § 5. Tertull ad Uxor. ii. c. 9: Unde sufficiam ad enarrandam felicitatem ejus matrimonii, quod ecclesia conciliat, et confirmat oblatio, et obsignatum angeli renunciant, pater rato habet? De Pudicit. c. 4: Penes nos occultae quoque conjunctiones, i. e., non prius apud Ecclesiam professae, juxta moechiam et fornicationem judicari periclitantur. Cf. Jo. Seldeni uxor Ebraica, lib. ii. c. 28. Concerning the marriage of the first Christians see in (Abele) Mag. f. Kirchenrecht. Bd. 1, S. 261, ff. Münter's Sinnbilder d. alten Christen. Heft 2, S. 112, ff.

27 Athenagoras Deprec. c. 28 : Ο δεύτερος (γάμος) εὐπρεπής ἐστι μοιχεία. On the other hand, Hermae Past. lib. i. mand. iv. 4: Si vir vel mulier alicujus decesserit, et nupserit aliquis illorum, numquid peccat? Qui nubit non peccat, inquit, sed si per se manserit, magnum sibi conquirit honorem apud Dominum. So also Clem. Alex. Strom. iii. p. 548. Cf. Cotelerius ad Hermae, 1. c.

28 Tertull. ad Uxor. i. 7: Disciplina ecclesiae et praescriptio apostoli-digamos non sinit praesidere. Yet de Monagam. 12: Quot enim et digami praesident apud vos, insultantes utique apostolo! Derived from 1 Tim. iii. 2. Tertullian read also in Lev. xxi.: Sacerdotes mei non plus nubent (de Exhort. castit. 7). Comp. Heydenreich's Pastoralbriefe Pauli, Bd. 1, S. 166, ff.

Montanists forbade them universally, they met with opposition. Fasts, which were looked upon as a suitable preparation for prayer, and celibacy, were valued, but continued to be left to the free choice of every one,29 although the opinion of Philo, that the marriage intercourse was something that rendered a person unclean, had been already introduced.30 Many Christians devoted themselves to a certain abstinence (dokηταí);31 but all forced and artificial asceticism was disapproved.32 The only custom of the kind which was universal was the celebration of the passion-time of Jesus by a fast; but this was observed in different very ways. In other cases, for voluntary fasting and prayer (stationes, stationum semijejunia, Tert. de Jejun. c. 13) they chose Wednesday and Friday.33 Sunday and the Sabbath

31

29 Even for the clergy: G. Calixti de Conjug. clericorum. Helmst. 1631, ed. Henke, ibid. 1783. 4. ii. 181. Theiner's Einführung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei den Geistl. i. 69

30 Semisch, Justin d. M. i. 199.

31 This appellation formerly applied to the athletae (Plato de Republ. iii. p. 297), was afterward by Philo (de Praem. et Poen. 914, 917, 920) to the exercises of virtue in the wise. So also among the heathen philosophers (Arrian. diss. in Epict. iii. c. 12, tepì úokýGews. Artemidorus, about 100, Oneirocrit. iv. c. 33, says of a philosopher, Alexander: Ἔμελε δὲ αὐτῷ ὄντι ἀνδρὶ ἀσκητῇ οὔτε γάμου, οὔτε κοινωνίας, οὔτε πλούτου). Athenagorae Deprec. c. 28: Εύροις δ' ἂν πολλοὺς τῶν παρ' ἡ μῖν καὶἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας καταγηράσ κοντας ἀγάμους, ἐλπίδι τοῦ μᾶλλον συνέσεσθαι τῷ θεῷ. Tertull. de Cultu foem. 11: Non enim et multi ita faciunt, et se spadonatui obsignant propter regnum Dei (Matth. xix. 12), tam fortem et utique permissam voluptatem sponte ponentes (continentes, ¿уkpaтɛiç, cf. de Vel. virg. 3)? Numquid non aliqui ipsam Dei creaturam sibi interdicunt, abstinentes vino et animalibus esculentis, quorum fructus nulli periculo aut sollicitudini adjacent, sed humilitatem animae suae in victus quoque castigatione Deo immolant? Galenus, see above, 41, note 16; cf. Sal. Deyling de Ascetis veterum, in ejusd. Observatt. sacr. lib. iii.

32 Dionys. Corinth. (ap. Euseb. iv. 23), in his letter to the Gnossians, exhorts bishop Pinytus, μὴ βαρὺ φορτίον ἐπάναγκες τὸ περὶ ἁγνείας τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπιτιθέναι, τῆς δὲ τῶν ñoλλŵv katαotoxáÇeolaι úolevɛíaç.-Ex epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Lugd. ap. Euseb. v.3: 'Αλκιβιάδου γάρ τινος ἐξ αὐτῶν, πάνυ αὐχμηρὸν βιοῦντος βίον, καὶ μηδενὸς ὅπως τὸ πρό τερον μεταλαμβάνοντος, ἀλλ ̓ ἢ ἄρτῳ μόνῳ καὶ ὕδατι χρωμένου, περιωμένου τε καὶ ἐν τῇ εἱρκτῇ οὕτω διάγειν, Αττάλῳ μετὰ τὸν πρῶτον ἀγῶνα, ὃν ἐν τῷ ἀμφιθεάτρῳ ἤνυσεν, ἀπεκαλύφθη, ὅτι μὴ καλῶς ποιοίη ὁ ̓Αλκιβιάδης, μὴ χρώμενος τοῖς κτίσμασι τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἄλλοις τύπον σκανδάλου ὑπολειπόμενος. πεισθεὶς δὲ 'Αλκιβιάδης πάντων ἀνέδην μετελαμ βανε καὶ ηὐχαρίστει τῷ θεῷ.

33 Respecting the stationes, watches of milites Christi, which were usually continued till three o'clock in the afternoon, see Hermae Pastor iii. Sim. 5, and Fabricius ad h. 1. Gu. Beveregii Cod. canonum eccl. primitivae vindicatus, lib. iii. c. 10.—Tertull. de Jejun. c. 2: Certe in evangelio illos dies jejuniis determinatos putant (Psychici), in quibus ablatus est sponsus (Matth. ix. 15): et hos esse jam solos legitimos jejuniorum christianorum. (De Orat. 14: Die Paschae communis et quasi publica jejunii religio est),―sic et apostolos observasse, nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum et in commune omnibus obeundorum jejuniorum: proinde nec stationum, quae et ipsae suos quidem dies habeant, quartae feria et sextae, passim tamen currant, neque sub lege praecepti, neque ultra supremam dici, quando et orationes fere hora nona concludat, de Petri exemplo, quod actis refertur. (De Orat. 14: Statio de militari exemplo nonem accipit: nam et militia Dei sumus). C. 13:

were observed as festivals; the latter, however, without JewisÏE superstition. In the celebration of the passover, there was a difference between the churches of Asia Minor and those of the west.34

The former adhered to the Jewish passover feast, giving it a reference to Christ; 35 the latter, on the other hand, kept

Bene autem, quod et Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent-ex aliqua sollicitudinis ecclesiasticae causa.-Irenaeus ad Victorem ap. Euseb. v. 24. 4: Ovdè yàp μóvov: περὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐστὶν ἡ ἀμφισβήτησις, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τοῦ εἴδους αὐτοῦ τῆς νηστείας· οἱ μὲν γὰρ οἴονται μίαν ἡμέραν δεῖν αὐτοὺς νηστεύειν, οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ καὶ πλείονας, οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας ἡμερινάς τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμετροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν. On the last words see the Excursus in Heinichen. Euseb. t. iii. p. 377, ss. I am inclined to read τῇ ἡμέρᾳ αὐτῶν. “Others measure off forty hours along with their day” (μetpovõi oùv tỷ nμépa), i. e., they fast the day which they celebrate as the passover, or the day of Christ's death (for in this there was a difference), and begin with the hour of the death (three o'clock, afternoon), a new forty hours' fast till the resurection. Cf. Jo. Dallaeus de Jejuniis et quadragesima. Daventr. 1654. 8.

34 The older historians in taking the passover as the festival of the resurrection, misunderstood the celebration practiced in Asia Minor. Different opinions of the moderns: Gabr. Daniel de la discipline des Quartodécimans pour la célébration de la Pacque (in his Recueil de divers ouvrages philos., theolog., histor. Paris. 1724. 4. iii, 473). Chr. A. Heumann Vera descriptio priscae contentionis inter Roman et Asiam de vero Paschate (in ejusd.. Nova sylloge dissertat. i. 156, ss). J. L. Mosheim de reb. Christ. ante Const. M. p. 435, ss. Neander im kirchenhist. Archiv. 1823, Heft 2, S. 90, ff. Kirchengesch. i. i. 511, ff. J. W. Rettberg's Paschastreit der älten Kirche, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 91.. (Comp. my remarks in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833, iv. 1149).

35 The most important in this festival was the passover day, the 14th of Nisan, which, after it had been probably spent in fasting, closed with a Christian paschal meal (lovefeast and Eucharist). (Epiphan. Haer. l. 1, ἅπαξ τοῦ ἔτους μίαν ἡμέραν τοῦ πάσχα φιλοVεíkws йyovoι. Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, who defended, in the year 196, this solemnity against the Romish bishop Victor, designates it in Euseb. v. 24, as a τηpet̃v Tǹv ýμépav τῆς τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτης τοῦ πάσχα κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. The whole day, therefore, was kept, but it might be observed merely by fasting. Comp. Tertull. de Orat. c. 14, see above, note 33). In favor of this they appealed to a passage of the law, (Epiphan. Haer.1. 1): ŐTɩ ἐπικατάρατος, ὃς οὐ ποιήσει τὸ πάσχα τῇ τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ μηνός. They said (apud Hippolytus in chron. Pasch. p. 6): ἐποίησε τὸ πάσχα ὁ Χριστὸς τότε τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ¿ καὶ ἔπαθεν· διὸ καμὲ δεῖ ὃν τρόπον ὁ κύριος ἐποίησεν, οὕτω ποιεῖν. In it they ate unleavened bread, probably like the Jews, eight days through; they said (Chrysostomus contra Jud. Orat. iii. ed. Montfaucon, i. 610): őтɩ μɛtà тoð ášíμov tà πúoɣa koтív. On the contrary, there is no trace of a yearly festival of the resurrection among them, for this was kept every Sunday. Since the Christians of Asia Minor appealed in favor of their passover solemnity on the 14th Nisan to John, (Polycrates, 1. c.), and yet, according to his gospel. Christ partook of the last supper with his disciples so early as the 13th Nisan; an argument has been lately deduced from this fact against the authenticity of John's gospel, (Bret schneider Probabilia, p. 109, after him Strauss and Schwegler). To judge correctly of this matter we must set out with that which is remarked very truly respecting it by Socrates, Hist. eccl. v. 22 : Οὐδαμοῦ τοίνυν ὁ ἀπόστολος, οὐδὲ τὰ εὐαγγέλια ζυγὸν δουλείας τοῖς τῷ κηρύγματι προσελθοῦσιν ἐπέθηκαν· ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ πάσχα καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἑορτὰς τιμᾷν, τῇ εὐγνωμοσύνῃ τῶν εὐεργετηθέντων κατέλιπον.-σκοπὸς μὴν οὖν γέγονε τοις ἀποστόλοις, οὐ περὶ ἡμερῶν ἑορταστικῶν νομοθετεῖν, ἀλλὰ βίον ὀρθὸν καὶ τὴν θεοσέβειαν εἰσηγήσασθαι· ἐμοὶ δὲ φαίνεται, ὅτι ὥσπερ ἄλλα πολλὰ κατὰ χώρας συνήθειαν ἔλαβεν, οὕτω καὶ ἡ τοῦ πάσχα ἑορτὴ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἐκ συνηθείας τινὸς ἰδιάζουσαν ἔσχε τὴν παρα τήρησιν, διὰ τὸ μηδένα τῶν ἀποστόλων, ὡς ἔφην, μηδενὶ νενομοθετηκέναι περὶ αὐτῆς. Ιn the Christian assemblies the Jewish passover was at first kept up, but observed with

up the recollection of the death and resurrection of Christ, as in every week, so with greater solemnity every year, at the passover festival, on the corresponding days of the week, so that the passover Friday was always regarded by them as dies paschae. When Polycarp visited Rome, about 160, he had a conference on this point with the Romish bishop Anicetus (Epist. Iren. ap. Euseb., v. 24). Both remained of the same opinion as before, but separated in perfect friendship. Among the Christians of Asia Minor themselves, there was a controversy in Laodicea respecting the passover, about 170; but the proper point debated is not certainly known.36

Public sinners were excluded from the church, and the way for restoration could only be prepared by public repentance.

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reference to Christ, the true passover, (1 Cor. v. 7, 8). Thus John, too, found it in Ephesus and allowed it to remain unaltered. He corrected it in his gospel only so far as it proceeded on the supposition that Christ had eaten with the Jews the passover on the day before his death, by making it apparent that Christ was crucified on the 14th Nisan. But that solemnity needed not to have been changed on this account; on the contrary, if the 14th Nisan was the true Christian passover day, the fulfillment of the typical pasch took place on the same day with it.

36 Melito περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα ap. Εusebius iv. 26, 2: Ἐπὶ Σερουϊλίου Παύλου, ἀνθυπάτου τῆς Ασίας, ᾧ Σάγαρις καιρῷ ἐμαρτύρησεν, ἐγένετο ζήτησις πολλὴ ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ περὶ τοῦ πάσχα, ἐμπεσόντος κατὰ καιρὸν ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις· καὶ ἐγράφη ταῦτα. Eusebius adds, that Clement of Alexandria was induced to write his book on the passover by this work of Melito. Since now Melito is quoted by Polycrates (Euseb. v. 24, 2) as an authority for the custom as observed in Asia Minor, but since the Paschal Chronicle, p. 6, s., quotes the writings of the contemporaneous Apollinaris, bishop of Hierapolis, and Clement of Alexandria, on the passover, together in favor of the view that Christ had not eaten the Jewish passover on the day before his death, it has been inferred that Apollinaris had attacked the Asiatic practice, and that Melito defended it. But no trace of this is found in Eusebius; on the contrary, both writers are named by him beside one another as working together harmoniously, (iv. 26.) In the fragments of Apollinaris's work which remain, those persons are combated who said: ὅτι τῇ ιδ' τὸ πρόβατον μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν ἔφαγεν ὁ Κύριος, τῇ δὲ μεγάλῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἀζύμων αὐτὸς ἔπαθεν, and appealed to Matthew in their favor. This view, says Apollinaris, contradicts the law (so far as the passover, and consequently also Christ as the passover, must be offered the 14th) and the gospels, and he asserts in opposito it: ἡ ιδ' τὸ ἀληθινὸν τοῦ Κυρίου πάσχα, ἡ θυσία ἡ μεγάλη, ὁ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀμνοῦ παῖς θεοῦ, κ. T. 2. Hence he does not combat the keeping of the 14th as the paschal day, but merely intends to vindicate the right significance of it against erroneous conceptions. This day was to be celebrated as the Christian passover, not because Christ had eaten on it the typical passover with the Jews, but because he himself, as the true passover, had offered himself to God.

37 ἐξομολόγησις. Iren. i. c. 9 of a female penitent: αὐτὴ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ἐξομολογ ovμévη dietéλeσe πevƉoñoa kaì Opηvovoa. Tertull. de Poenit. c. 9: Exomologesis —, qua delictum Domino nostrum confitemur: non quidem ut ignaro, sed quatenus satisfactio confessione disponitur, confessione poenitentia nascitur, poenitentia Deus mitigatur. Itaque exomologesis prosternendi et humilificandi hominis disciplina est, conversationem injungens misericordiae illicem. De ipso quoque habitu atque victu mandat, sacco et cineri incubare, corpus sordibus obscurare, animum moeroribus dejicere; illa, quae peccavit,

After baptism only a public repentance was generally allowed.3 In the African church they proceeded so far as frequently to exclude forever those who had been guilty of incontinence, murder, and idolatry. This was done in pursuance of Montanist principles.

39

Those persons were highly honored who endured persecutions for the sake of the Christian faith. The death of a martyr (uáprup, Acts xxii. 20; Heb. xii. 1; Apoc. xvii. 6) was supposed, like baptism, to have the efficacy of destroying sin (lavaerum sanguinis, Tò ẞáптioμa dià пvрós, Luke xii. 50; Mark x. 39), supplied the place even of baptism (according to Matthew x. 39), and alone introduced the person immediately to the presence of the Lord in paradise (Matt. v. 10–12; Apoc. vi. 9: hence ἡμέρα γενέθλιος, γενέθλια τῶν μαρτύρων, natales, natalitia martyrum. But the surviving confessors also (óμoλoyýtaι, confes(ὁμολογήται, sores, Matt. x. 32; 1 Tim. vi. 12, 13) were held to be chosen members of Christ. People were zealous in visiting them in

40

tristi tractatione mutare. Caeterum pastum et potum pura nosse; non ventris scilicet, sed animae causa. Plerumque vero jejuniis preces alere, ingemiscere, lachrymari, et mugire dies noctesque ad dominum Deum tuum, presbyteris advolvi, et caris Dei adgeniculari, omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere.—In quantum non peperceris tibi, in tantum tibi Deus, crede, parcet.

38 Hermae Pastor ii. Mand. 4, § 1. Servis enim Dei poenitentia una est. (Cf. Cotelerius ad h. 1.) Then he softens, § 3, the principle afterward asserted by the Montanists, quod alia poenitentia non est nisi illa, cum in aquam descendimus, et accipimus, remissionem peccatorum, so far: quod post vocationem illam magnam et sanctam, si quis tentatus fuerit a Diabolo, et peccaverit, unam poenitentiam habet. So too Clemens Alex. Strom. ii. c. 13, p. 459, s. Cf. Bingham, lib. xviii. c. 4, vol. viii. p. 156, ss.

39 Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12, appeals in favor of this to Acts xv. 29. Cyprian. Epist. 52: Apud antecessores nostros quidam de Episcopis istic in provincia nostra dandam pacem moechis non putaverunt, et in totum poenitentiae locum contra adulteria clauserunt. Non tamen a Coëpiscoporum suorum collegio recesserunt, aut catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem vel duritiae vel censurae suae obstinatione ruperunt; ut, quia apud alios adulteris pax dabatur, qui non dabat, de ecclesia separaretur. Manente concordiae vinculo et perseverante Catholicae Ecclesiae individuo sacramento, actum suum disponit et dirigit unusquisque Episcopus, rationem propositi sui Domino redditurus. Though this severity was afterward relaxed in reference to the Moechi (see below, § 59, note 4), yet they still remained at first united with the Montanists in asserting this principle, Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12: Quod neque idololatriae neque sanguini pax ab Ecclesiis redditur.

40 Hermas (Pastor. iii. Simil. ix. 28) says to the martyrs: Vitam vobis donat Dominus, nec intelligitis. Delicta enim vestra vos gravabant: et nisi passi essetis hujus nominis causa, propter peccata certe vestra mortui eratis Deo. Tertull. de Resurr. carnis, 43: Nemo enim peregrinatus a corpore statim immoratur penes Dominum, nisi ex martyrii praerogativa scilicet paradiso, non inferis diversurus. (In like manner, according to the ancient Greeks, only heroes attained to the 'H2volov or the μakúpwv vñσoi, of whose situation similar ideas were entertained as of Paradise, see Dissen de Fortunatorum insulis disp. Gotting. 1837. On Paradise see Uhlemann in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. i. i. 146.) Clemens Alex. Strom. iv. p. 596: ἔοικεν οὖν τὸ μαρτύριον ἀποκάθαρσις εἶναι ἁμαρτιῶν μετὰ δόξης.