SECOND DIVISIO N.

FROM HADRIAN TO SEPTIMUS SEVERUS. FROM 117–193.

INTRODUCTION.

§ 37.

STATE OF PAGANISM.

P. E. Müller de hierarchia et studio vitae asceticae in sacris et mysteriis Graecorum Romanorumque latentibus. Hafn. 1803. 8, in the second section (translated in the Neue Biblioth. der schönen Wissenschaften. Bd. 69. S. 207, ff.). Tzschirner's der Fall des Heidenthums. Bd. 1. S. 124-164.

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Although the emperors of this time preserved to the Roman empire external security, maintained internal order and justice, and favored the sciences, yet the old Roman morality and religious sobriety could not be restored among the degenerate people. The propensity to theosophic mysteries, consecrations, and purifications (§ 14), produced new institutions which ministered to superstition. They were no longer satisfied with the wandering priests of Isis and Cybele, the Chaldeans and Magic. In the second century, many secret rites or mysteries were spread abroad over the Roman empire in addition to the former (those of the Dea Syra, of Isis, of Mithras). Besides these, the old Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries also came again into greater repute, though it would appear that they were variously accommodated to the spirit of the time. Abstinence from sensual pleasures was a universal condition of initiation, by which it was supposed that the people obtained a nearer communion with the deities as they passed through the different gradations of the mysteries. This period was conscious of its godless condition, but mistaking the religious moral way, it sought to obtain

1 Schlosser's universalhist. Uebersicht d. Geschichte d. alten Welt, iii. ii. 167. Bernhardy's Grundriss d. röm. Literatur. S. 126. The same author's Grundriss d. griech. Literatur. i. 406.

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purity by magic, with the aid of all kinds of external observances. We have a proof, in the horrible Taurobolium and Kriobolium which now appeared, of the extreme ingenuity of superstition. The prevailing philosophy continued to be that Platonic eclecticism which adopted and defended all superstitions, although by it a certain monotheism was elevated above. polytheism, even in the view of the people generally. Among the Platonics of this time, the most distinguished are Plutarch of Chaeronea [120], Apuleius of Madaura [about 170] and Maximus of Tyre [about 190]. In opposition to this dogmatic philosophy, skepticism, too, was always rising to a higher degree of strength. Sextus Empiricus.

§ 38.

FATE OF THE JEWS.

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Dio Cassius, lxviii. c. 32, lxix. c. 12-14. Euseb. Hist. eccl. iv. c. 2 u. 6.-F. Münter der jüd. Krieg unter den Kaisem Trajan u. Hadrian. Altona u. Leipz. 1821. 8. Jost's Gesch. d. Israeliten, Th. 3, S. 181, ff.

The hatred of the Jews against the Romans was still more increased by the destruction of Jerusalem, and the great oppression that followed, and soon began to manifest itself in new acts of rebellion. An insurrection first broke out in Cyrenaica (115), which spread over Egypt also, and raged longest in Cyprus. Another was kindled simultaneously in Mesopotamia. Even Hadrian found relapses of these rebellions, which required

2 Numenius (about 130) πɛpì rảyaðov lib. i. (apud Eusebii Praep. evang. ix. 7): Eis δὲ τοῦτο δεήσει εἰπόντα, καὶ σημηνάμενον ταῖς μαρτυρίαις τοῦ Πλάτωνος, ἀναχωρή σασθαι καὶ ξυνδῆσασθαι τοῖς λόγοις τοῦ Πυθαγόρου· ἐπικαλέσασθαι δὲ τὰ ἔθνη τὰ εὐδοκιμοῦντα, προσφερόμενον αὐτῶν τὰς τελετὰς, καὶ τὰ δόγματα, τας τε ἱδρύσεις συν τελουμένας Πλάτωνι ὁμολογουμένως, οπόσας Βραχμᾶνες, καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι, καὶ Μάγοι, καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι διέθεντο.

3 Maximus Tyrius Diss. xvii. (al. i.) ex rec. J. Davisii. Lond. 1740. 4. p. 193, with reference to the different opinions of men respecting divine things: 'Ev TOOOúty dù πολέμῳ, καὶ στάσει, καὶ διαφωνίᾳ, ἕνα ἴδοις ἂν ἐν πάσῃ γῇ ὁμόφωνον νόμον καὶ λόγον, ὅτι Θεὸς εἰς πάντων βασιλεὺς, καὶ πατὴρ, καὶ θεοὶ πολλοὶ, Θεοῦ παῖδες, συνάρχοντες Θεῷ. Ταῦτα δὲ ὁ Ἕλλην λέγει, καὶ ὁ βάρβαρος λέγει, καὶ ὁ ἠπειρώτης, καὶ ὁ θαλάτ τιος, καὶ ὁ σοφὸς, καὶ ὁ ἄσοφος. κἂν ἐπὶ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ ἔλθῃς τὰς ἠϊόνας, κἀκεῖ θεοὶ, τοῖς μὲν ἀνίσχοντες ἀγχοῦ μάλα, τοῖς δὲ καταδυόμενοι. Accordingly we now frequently meet with the view that the numerous names of the deities designated nothing but the same being under different aspects. Apuleii Metamorph. lib. xi. ed. Elmenhorst. p. 258, ss. Lobeck Aglaophamus, t. i. p. 460, ss. To this also the figurae pantheae, frequently found on gems, point.

to be combated, and appears to have been led by them to enter tain the idea of doing away the dangerous and exclusive nationality of this people, by prohibiting circumcision.1 As he resolved, at the same time, to restore Jerusalem by means of a Roman colony, a pretended Messiah soon made his appearance, who, under the title of Bar Cochab (Numb. xxiv. 17),2 obtained many adherents, especially by the recognition of Rabbi Akiba, elevated the fortress Bether to be the seat of his kingdom, and endeavored from it to drive the Romans out of the land (132). His conquests had already extended beyond Syria, when Julius Severus appeared, and, after a bloody war, put an end to the insurrection by taking possession of Bether (135). Palestine became a complete wilderness. The colony of Aelia Capitolina rose on the ruins of Jerusalem, but access to it was prohibited to the Jews on pain of death. Hadrian's prohibition of circumcision was first abolished by Antoninus Pius.3

1 Spartianus in Hadriano, c. 14. Moverunt ea tempestate et Judaei bellum, quod vetabantur mutilare genitalia.

2 Called after his want of success,

filius mendacii.

3 Modestinus JCtus (about 244) in Dig. lib. xlviii. tit. 8. k. 11: Circumcidere Judaeis filios suos tantum rescripto Divi Pii permittitur: in non ejusdem religionis qui hoc fecerit, castrantis poena irrogatur. Ulpianus in Dig. lib. L. tit. 2..1. 3. § 3: Eis, qui Judaicam superstitionem sequantur, D. Severus et Antoninus honores (namely, decurionum) adipisci permiserunt: sed et necessitates (the onera functiones et munera incumbent on the decuriones) eis imposuerunt, quae superstitionem eorum non laederent. Julius Paulus (about 222) in his sententiis receptis (in Schultingii Jurisprudentia vetus antejustinianea and Hugo Jus civile antejustin. tom. i.) lib. v. tit. 22. de seditiosis 3: Cives Romani, qui se Judaico ritu vel servos suos circumcidi patiuntur, bonis ademptis in insulam perpetuo relegantur. Medici capite puniuntur. 4. Judaei si alienae nationis comparatos servos circumciderint, aut deportantur aut capite puniuntur. Even the Samaritans were not allowed to practice circumcision, Origenes c. Celsum, ii. c. 13. p. 68. ed. Spencer.

FIRST CHAPTER

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY.

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ITS DIFFUSION,

Although the Christian writers of this time manifestly speak. in exaggerated terms of the spread of Christianity,' yet the extraordinary progress it made can not be mistaken. In the west,

it extended from Rome to western Africa, where Carthage was its chief seat.2 In Gaul, we find churches at Lyons and Vienne, immediately after the middle of the second century (Euseb. V. c. 1). From this country Christianity may have spread into Ger

1 Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 117 : Οὐδὲ ἓν γὰρ ὅλως ἐστὶ τὸ γένος ἀνθρώπων, εἴτε βαρβάρων, εἴτε Ἑλλήνων, εἴτε ἁπλῶς ᾧτινιοῦν ὀνόματι προσαγορευομένων, ἢ ἁμαξοβίων, ἢ ἀοίκων καλουμένων, ἢ ἐν σκηναῖς κτηνοτρόφων οἰκούντων, ἐν οἷς μὴ διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ σταυρωθέντος Ἰησοῦ εὐχαὶ καὶ εὐχαριστίαι τῷ πατρὶ καὶ ποιητῇ τῶν ὅλων γίνονται. Irenaeus, i. 3 : Καὶ οὔτε αἱ ἐν Γερμανίαις ἱδρυμέναι ἐκκλησίαι ἄλλως πεπιστεύκασιν, ἢ ἄλλως παραδιδόασιν, οὔτε ἐν ταῖς Ἰβηρίαις, οὔτε ἐν Κελτοῖς, οὔτε κατὰ τὰς ἀνατολὰς, οὔτε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, οὔτε ἐν Λιβύῃ, οὔτε αἱ κατὰ μέσα τοῦ κόσμου ἱδρυμέναι. Tertullianus adv. Judaeos c. 7: In quem enim alium universae gentes crediderunt nisi in Christum, qui jam venit? Cui enim et aliae gentes crediderunt: Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, et qui inhabitant Mesopotamiam, Armeniam, Phrygiam, Cappadociam, et incolentes Pontum et Asiam, Pamphyliam, immorantes Aegyptum et regionem Africae, quae est trans Cyrenen, inhabitantes Romam, et incolae tunc et in Hierusalem Judaei et caeterae gentes (according to Acts ii. 9, 10): etiam Getulorum varietates, et Maurorum multi fines, Hispaniarum omnes termini, et Galliarum diversae nationes, et Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita, et Sarmatarum et Dacorum et Germanorum et Scytharum et abditarum multarum gentium, et provinciarum et insularum multarum, nobis ignotarum, et quae enumerare minus possumus. In the Roman empire: Tertulliani Apol. c.37: Si enim hostes exertos, non tantum vindices occultos agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum et copiarum? Plures nimirum Mauri et Marcomanni ipsique Parthi, vel quantaecunque, unius tamen loci et suorum finium, gentes, quam totius orbis? Hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. Iren. iv. 49, mentions fideles, qui in regali aula sunt et ex iis, quae Caesaris sunt, habent utensilia.

2 Fr. Münteri Primordia eccl. Africanae. Hafn. 1829. 4. p. 6, ss. The numbers of the Christians here, even so early as the end of the second century, may be inferred from Tertullian Apologet. c. 37: Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia etc., and adv. Scapul. c. 5, when it is said that, in case of a persecution of the Christians, Carthage would have to be decimated. About 200 A.D. a synod was held under Agrippinus, bishop of Carthage (Cyprian. Epist. 71 and 73), which, according to Augustin. de Baptism. ii. c. 13, consisted of seventy African and Numidian bishops.

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many (Cisrhenana) and Britain, but only by the efforts of individuals. In the east, we find it firmly established in Edessa, so early as the middle of the second century; and from this city it had also extended itself, as it seems, into the countries lying eastward.5 In northern Arabia, there must likewise have been Christians so early as this period. About 180, Pantaenus went from Alexandria to India," to preach the gospel in that region (Euseb. H. E. v. 10).

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OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIANITY BY WRITERS.

Tzchirner's der Fall des Heidenthums. Bd. 1. S. 313, ff.

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The principal opponent of Christianity at this period was the Epicurean Celsus (about 150), who, in a work styled “åλŋ0ǹç ἀληθὴς λóyos,” and perhaps in others now lost, collected all that could be said against it with any appearance of probability. The

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3 C. J. Hefele's Gesch. d. Einführung des Christenthums in südwestl. Deutschland. Tübingen. 1837. S. 42.

4 The Christian scholar Bardesanes, about 160-170, was highly esteemed by the prince of Edessa, Abgar Bar Manu. According to the Chronicon of Edessa in Assemani Bibl. orient. i. 391, the church of the Christians in Edessa was destroyed by an inundation as early as 202 A.D. Comp. Bayer Historia Osrhoena et Edessena. Petrop. 1734. 4. p. 170. 5 Bardesanes de Fato (in Eusebii Praep. evang. vi. c. 10): Ourɛ oi ev Пaplía Xploτiavoi πολυγαμοῦσι, Πάρθοι ὑπάρχοντες, οὔθ' οἱ ἐν Μηδίᾳ κυσὶ παραβάλλουσι τοὺς νεκρούς· οὐχ οἱ ἐν Περσίδι γαμοῦσι τὰς θυγατέρας αὐτῶν, Πέρσαι ὄντες· οὐ παρὰ Βάκτροις καὶ Γάλλοις φθείρουσι τοὺς γάμους· οὐχ οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ θρησκεύουσι τὸν ̓Απιν, ἢ τὸν Κύνα, ἢ τὸν Τράγον, ἢ Αἴλουρον· ἀλλ' ὅπου εἰσὶν, οὔτε ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶς κειμένων νόμων, καὶ ἐθῶν νικῶνται.

6 Arabia Petraea, since the time of Trajan a Roman province under the name Arabia, its chief city being Bostra, or Nova Colonia Trajana. So early as the middle of the third century there were many bishops here, Euseb. vi. 33, 37.

7 Probably Yemen, see § 27, note 28. Comp. Redepenning's Origines, i. 66.

1 Celsus and his work are known only by the refutation of Origen (contra Celsum libb. viii. ed. G. Spencer. Cantabrig. 1677. 4to, translated by Mosheim, Hamburg. 1745. 4to, cf. C. R. Jachmann de Celso philosopho disseruit, et fragmenta libri, quem contra Christianos edidit, collegit, a Koenigsberg Easter-programm. 1836. 4). Origen calls him an Epicurean (i. p. 8, εὑρίσκεται ἐξ ἄλλων συγγραμμάτων Επικούρειος ὤν), who merely kept back his Epicureanism in his work (iv. p. 163, μὴ πάνυ ἐμφαίνων διὰ τοῦ συγγράμματος τὸν Επικούρειον, ἀλλὰ προσποιούμενος πρόνοιαν εἰδέναι), and assumed the mien of a Platonic philosopher (iv. p. 219, év πоλλοîç πλαтwvíšεi Oéhɛi); doubtless because he was able to influence the religious heathen only in this way. In opposition to the opinion that Celsus was really a Platonist, which has become common on Mosheim's authority (preface to his version of Origen, p. 22, ff.), his Epicureanism is asserted by J. F. Fenger de Celso, Christianorum adversario, Epicureo comm. Havn. 1828. 8. Tzschirner's Fall des Heiden