§ 69.

DESCENSUS AD INFEROS.

Dietelmaier, J. A., Historia Dogmatis de Descensu Christi ad Inferos, Altorf. 1762, 8. Semler, J. A., Observatio historico-dogmatica de vario et impari veterum Studio in recolenda Historia Descensus Christi ad Inferos, Hal. 1775. J. Clausen, Dogmatis de Descensu Jesu Christi ad Inferos historiam biblicam atque ecclesiasticam composuit, Hafn. 1801. Comp. Pott, Epp. cath. Exc. iii. [Comp. also Pearson, On the Creed, V. art. and Heylyn, on the Creed, VI. art.] J. L. König, die Lehre von Christi Höllenfahrt, nach der h. Schritt, der ältesten Kirche, den christlichen Symbolen und nach ihrer viel umfassenden Bedeutung. Frankf. 1842. E. Güder, Die Lehre von d. Erscheinung Christi unter den Todten, Berl. 1853. F. Huidekoper, The Belief of the first Three Centuries concerning Christ's Mission to the Underworld. Boston. 1854. [Archd. Blackburn, Hist. Account of Views about the Intermed. State. 1770. The Revealed Economy of Heaven and Earth, Lond. 1853. V. U. Maywahlen Tod, Todtenreich, etc. Berl. 1854; transl. by J. F. Schön, The Intermed. State, Lond. 1856. The Intermed. State, by the late Duke of Manchester, Lond. 1856. T. Körber, Die kath. Lehre d. Höllenfahrt Jes. Christi. Landshut, 1860.]

We have seen that the fathers of this period, with the exception of Origen, limited the direct efficacy of Christ's death to this world. But several writers of the second and third centuries thought that it was also retrospective in its effects, and inferred from some allusions in Scripture' that Christ descended into the abode of the dead (underworld, Hades), to announce to the souls of the patriarchs, etc., there abiding, the accomplishment of the work of redemption, and to conduct them with him into the kingdom of his glory.'

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1 Acts ii. 27, 31 (Rom. x. 6, 7, 8), Eph. iv. 9. 1 Pet. iii. 19, 20 (in connection with Psalm xvi. 10).-On the clause descendit ad inferos in the Apostles' creed, which is of later origin, see Rufin. Expos. p. 22 (ed. Fell), King, p. 169, ss. Pott, 1. c. p. 300. G. H. Waage, De Etate Articuli, quo in Symb. Apost. traditur Jesu Christi ad Inferos Descensus, Hær. 1836. This clause is first found in the creed of the church of Aquileia, and was brought into wider use through Rufinus. [Comp. Harvey on the Three Creeds; Pearson, 1. c. p. 237: Church Review, 1852; Christ. Rev. 1855; Southern Presb. Rev. 1854: Bibl. Sacra, 1855, 1856, 1859.]

2

Apocryphal narrative, in the Ev. Nic. c. 17-27.

(Thilo, Cod. Ap. i. p. An allusion is found

667, ss.) Ullmann, Historisch oder mythisch? p. 228. in the Testament of the XII Patriarchs, Grabe, Spic. PP. Sæc. i. p. 250. On the passage in the oration of Thaddeus quoted by Eus. i. 13: Katéßn εἰς τὸν ᾄδην καὶ διέσχισε φραγμὸν τὸν ἐξ αἰῶνος μὴ σχισθέντα, καὶ ἀνέστη καὶ συνήγειρε νεκροὺς τοὺς ἀπ ̓ αἰώνων κεκοιμημένους, καὶ πῶς κατέβη μόνος, ἀνέβη δὲ μετὰ πολλοῦ ὄχλου πρὸς τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ, comp. Vales. -The passage from the fuller recension of Ign. Ep. ad Trall. c. 9, ii. p. 64, is doubtful; and that from the Shepherd of Hermas, Sim. ix. c. 16, refers

properly to the apostles. Justin M. also supposes that Christ preached in the nether world, Dial. c. Tryph. § 72; though he was not compelled to this, on account of his views about the λóyos σñɛpμaτɩkós, in relation to the heathen; Comp. Semisch, ii. p. 414. More definite language is first used by Iren. iv. 27 (45), p. 264 (347), v. 31, p. 331 (451). Tert. De An. 7 and 55. Clem. Strom. vi. 6, p. 762–67, and ii. 9, p. 452 (where he quotes the passage from Hermas); the latter is inclined to extend the preaching of the Gospel to the Gentiles in Hades. Orig. Contra Cels. ii. 43 (Opp. i. p. 419), in libr. Reg. Hom. ii. (Opp. ii. p. 492-'98), especially towards the close. Comp. König, p. 97. Among the heretics we may mention the opinion of Marcion, that Christ did not deliver the patriarchs, but Cain, the people of Sodom, and all those who had been condemned by the demiurge. Iren. i. 27 (29), p. 106 (Gr. 104) (Neander, Hist. Dog. 250). [On the opinions of the Fathers, comp. also Pearson, 1. c. p. 238, 245, ss., and Heylyn, 1. c. p. 264, ss.] Other Gnostics wholly rejected the doctrine of the Descensus, and explained the passage in Peter of Christ's appearance on the earth.

§ 70.

THE ECONOMY OF REDEMPTION.

Heubner, H. L., Historia antiquior Dogmatis de modo salutis tenendæ et justificationis, etc. Wittenb. 1805, 4. Wörter, Die christl. Lehre über das Verhältniss von Gnade u Freiheit, etc. Freib. 1856. [Landerer, as cited before, in the Jahrb. £ deutsche Theologie, etc.]

From what precedes, it is evident that the primitive church universally believed that Jesus Christ was the only ground of salvation, and the Mediator between God and man. But all were required to appropriate to themselves, by a free act, the blessings which Christ obtained for them ;' and the forgiveness of sins was made dependent both on true repentance, and the performance of good works.' Sometimes expressions are used which seem to favor the doctrine of the meritoriousness of good works. Nevertheless, all agreed in making faith (in accordance with the apostolic doctrine) the conditio sine qua non of salvation," and in celebrating its blessed power in bringing about an intimate union (unio mystica) between man and God. Though the will of man was admitted to be free, yet it was also felt that it must be assisted by divine grace, and this, when carried out, led to the idea of an eternal decree of God (predestination), which, however, was not yet viewed as unconditional. Origen, in particular, endeavored to explain the relation of predestination to the freedom of the human will so as not to endanger the latter."

'This follows from the passages above cited on human liberty. Justin M., Dial. c. Tryph. § 95 : Εἰ μετανοοῦντες ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις καὶ ἐπιγνόντες τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν Χριστὸν καὶ φυλάσσοντες αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐντολὰς ταῦτα φήσετε, ἄφεσις ὑμῖν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὅτι ἔσται, προεῖπον. Comp. Orig. Contra Cels. iii. 29. Opp. i. p. 465 (in connection with what is cited § 68, Note 1), according to whom, every one who lives in compliance with the precepts of Christ obtains through him friendship with God, and is vitally united to him. The very circumstance that, in the opinion of the primitive church, sins committed after baptism are less easily pardoned (Clem. Strom. iv. 24, p. 634. Sylb. 536, C.), and the entire ecclesiastical discipline of the first ages prove this. As regards μɛTávola, Clement knows the distinction afterward made between contritio and attritio, Strom. iv. 6, p. 580: Tov μɛтaνοοῦντος δὲ τρόποι δύο· ὁ μὲν κοινότερος, φόβος ἐπὶ τοῖς πραχθεῖσιν, ὁ δὲ Ιδιαίτερος, ἡ δυσωπία ἡ πρὸς ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ἐκ συνειδήσεως.—Οι μετάvola comp. also Pæd. i. 9, 146, and quis Div. Salv. 40, p. 957.

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Hermas, Pastor. iii. 7: Oportet eum, qui agit pœnitentiam, affligere animan suam, et humilem animo se præstare in omni negotio, et vexationes multas variasque perferre. Justin M. also lays great stress upon the external manifestation of repentance by tears, etc. Dial. c. Tryph. § 141. Cypr. De Opere et Eleem. p. 167. (237 Bal.); Loquitur in scripturis divinis Spir. S. et dicit (Prov. xv. 29): Eleemosynis et fide delicta purgantur; non utique illa delicta, quæ fuerunt ante contracta, nam illa Christi sanguine et sanctificatione purgantur. Item denuo dicit (Eccles. iii. 33): Sicut aqua extinguit ignem, sic eleemosyna extinguit peccatum. Hic quoque ostenditur et probatur, quia sicut lavacro aquæ salutaris gehennæ ignis extinguitur, ita eleemosynis atque operationibus justis delictorum flamma sopitur. Et quia semel in baptismo remissa peccatorum datur, assidua et jugis operatio baptismi instar imitata Dei rursus indulgentiam largitur (with a further appeal to Luke xi. 41). Tears are of much avail, Ep. 31, p. 64, Rettb. p. 323, 389. Origen, Hom. in Lev. ii. 4, Opp. ii. p. 190, '91, enumerates 7 remissiones peccatorum: 1, that which is granted in baptism; 2, that which is obtained by martyrdom; 3, by alms (Luke xi. 41); 4, by the forgiveness which we grant to those who have trespassed against us (Matth. vi. 14); 5, by the conversion of others (James v. 20); 6, by exceeding great love (Luke vii. 47; 1 Pet. iv. 8); 7, by penance and repentance: Est adhuc et septima, licet dura et laboriosa, per pœnitentiam remissio peccatorum, cum lavat peccator in lacrymis stratum suum, et fiunt ei lacrymæ suæ panes die ac nocte, et cum non erubescit sacerdoti Domini indicare peccatum suum et quærere medicinam. On the merit of the martyrs, comp. § 68. The intercession of confessors yet living is opposed by Tert. De Pud. 22. Cyprian also limits their influence to the day of judgment, De Lapsis, p. 129 (187).- Concerning a first and second penance, see Herma Pastor, Mand. iv. 3, Clem. Strom. ii. 13, p. 459: Kaí oỷк oið ὁπότερον αὐτοῖν χεῖρον ἢ τὸ εἰδότα ἁμαρτάνειν ἢ μετανοήσαντα ἐφ ̓ οἷς ἥμαρ τεν πλημμελεῖν αὖθις. The different views of Tertullian before and after his his conversion to Montanism may be seen by comparing De Pœnit. 7 with De Pud. 18. On the controversy between Cyprian and the Novatians see the works on ecclesiastical history.

Even in the Epistle of Polycarp, the giving of alms is praised as a work

that saves from death (appealing to Tob. xii. 9); and hints about the doctrine of works of supererogation (opera supererogatoria) are found in the Shepherd of Hermas, Simil. Lib. iii. 5. 3: Si præter ea quæ non mandavit Dominus aliquod boni adjeceris, majorem dignitatem tibi conquires et honoratior apud Dominum eris, quam eras futurus. Origen speaks in a similar manner, Ep. ad Rom. Lib. iii. Opp. T. iv. p. 507 (he makes a subtle distinction between the unprofitable servant, Luke xvii. 10, and the good and faithful servant, Matth. xxv. 21, and appeals to 1 Cor. vii. 25, concerning the command to the virgins).

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During this period, in which theoretical knowledge was made prominent, faith was for the most part considered as historico-dogmatic faith in its relation to yvos (comp. § 34). Hence the opinion that knowledge in Divine things may contribute to justification, while ignorance condemns. Minucius Fel. 35: Imperitia Dei sufficit ad pœnam, notitia prodest ad veniam. Theophilus of Antioch also distinctly recognizes only a fides historica, upon which he makes salvation to depend, i. 14: Απόδειξιν οὖν λαβὼν τῶν γινομένων καὶ προαναπεφωνημένων, οὐκ ἀπιστῶ, ἀλλὰ πιστεύω πειθαρχῶν θεῷ, ᾧ εἰ βούλει, καὶ σὺ ὑποτάγηθι, πιστεύων αὐτῷ, μὴ νῦν ἀπισθήσας, πεισθῆς ἀνιώμενος τότε ἐν αἰωνίοις τιμωρίαις. But though it was reserved for later times to investigate more profoundly the idea of justifying faith in the Pauline sense, yet correct views on this subject were not entirely wanting during this period, comp. Clem. Rom. Ep. i. ad Cor. 32 and 33: 'Huɛïç ovv διὰ θελήματος αὐτοῦ [sc. Θεοῦ] ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ κληθέντες οὐ δι' ἑαυτῶν δικαιούμεθα, οὐδὲ διὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας σορίας ἢ συνέσεως ἢ εὐσεβείας ἢ ἔργων, ὧν κατειργασάμεθα ἐν ὁσιότητι καρδίας· ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς πίστεως, δι' ἧς πάντας τοῦ ἀπ' αἰῶνος ὁ παντοκράτωρ Θεὸς ἐδικαίωσεν. Comp. 37-39. Irenæus, too (iv. 13, 2, sq.), distinguishes clearly between the righteousness of the law, and the new obedience which comes from faith; Neander, Hist. Dogm. p. 216. Tertull. Adv. Marc. v. 3: Ex fidei libertate justificatur homo, non ex legis servitute, quia justus ex fide vivit.* According to Clement of Alexandria, faith is not only the key to the knowledge of God (Coh. p. 9), but by it we are also made the children of God, ib. p. 23 (comp. § 68, note 1), and p. 69. Clement accurately distinguishes between theoretical and practical unbelief, and understands by the latter the want of susceptibility to Divine impressions, a carnal mind which would have every thing in a tangi ble shape, Strom. ii. 4, p. 436. Origen in Num. Hom. xxvi. (Opp. iii. p. 369): Impossibile est salvari sine fide. Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. Opp. iv. p. 517 Etiamsi opera quis habeat ex lege, tamen, quia non sunt ædificata supra fundamentum fidei, quamvis videantur esse bona, tamen operatorem suum justificare non possunt, quod eis deest fides, quæ est signaculum eorum, qui justificantur a Deo.

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μακαρίας ταύτης δυνάμεως, δι' Quis. Div. salv. p. 951 : Ὅσον ἐνδοτέρῳ τοῦ Θεοῦ παραδύεται.

• Clement, Coh. p. 90 : 'Ω τῆς ἁγίας καὶ ἧς ἀνθρώποις συμπολιτεύεται Θεός κ. τ. λ. γὰρ ἀγαπᾷ τις τὸν Θεὸν, τοσούτῳ καὶ πλέον Ideal quietism, Pad. i. 13, p. 160 : Τέλος δέ ἐστι θεοσεβείας ἡ ἀίδιος ἀνά

* It was natural, too, that Marcion should insist upon the Pauline view, in opposition to the Jewish dependence on works; see Neander, Hist. Dogm. (Ryland), p. 209.

navois Ev т Oε. Comp. iii. 7, p. 277, '78 (in reference to riches in God), Strom. ii. 16, p. 467, '68, iv. 22, p. 627, 630.

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Tert. Ad Uxor. i. 8: Quædam sunt divinæ liberalitatis, quædam nostræ operationis. Quæ a Domino indulgentur, sua gratia gubernantur; quæ ab homine captantur, studio perpetrantur. Cf. De Virg. Vel. 10; De Patient. 1, Adv. Hermog. 5. Justin M. and Clement of Alexandria are favorable to synergism. Comp. Just. Apol. i. 10, Dial. c. Tr. § 32. Clem. of Alex. Coh. i. 99. Strom. V. 13, p. 696, vii. 7, p. 860: *25 dè ô larpos ủyear trapχεται τοῖς συνεργοῦσι πρὸς ὑγείαν, οὕτως καὶ ὁ Θεὸς τὴν ἀΐδιον σωτηρίαν τοῖς συνεργοῦσι πρὸς γνῶσίν τε καὶ εὐπραγίαν. Quis. Div. salv. p. 947 : Βουλομέναις μὲν γὰρ ὁ Θεὸς ταῖς ψυχαῖς συνεπιπνεῖ. So, too, Orig. Hom. in Ps. (Opp. T. ii. p. 571): To тov λoуikov ȧyaðòv μικτόν ἐστιν ἔκ τε τῆς προαιρέσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς συμπνεούσης θείας δυνάμεως τῷ τὰ κάλλιστα προελομένῳ ; comp. De Princ. iii. 1, 18 (Opp. i. p. 129), and 22, p. 137 (on Rom. ix. 16, and the apparent contradiction between 2 Tim. ii. 20, 21, and Rom. ix. 21). Cyprian, De Gratia Dei ad Donat. p. 3, 4: Ceterum si tu innocentiæ, si justitiæ viam teneas, si illapsa firmitate vestigii tui incedas, si in Deum viribus totis ac toto corde suspensus, hoc sis tantum quod esse cœpisti, tantum tibi ad licentiam datur, quantum gratiæ spiritalis augetur. Non enim, qui beneficiorum terrestrium mos est, in capessendo munere cœlesti mensura ulla vel modus est: profluens largiter spiritus nullis finibus premitur, nec cœrcentibus claustris intra certa metarum spatia frænatur, manat jugiter, exuberat affluentur. Nostrum tantum sitiat pectus et pateat; quantum illuc fidei capacis afferimus, tantum gratiæ inundantis haurimus. De Orat. dom. p. 144 (208); Adv. Jud. iii. 25, ss. p. 72, 42, ss., p. 77, ss.

⚫ Hermas represented the predestination of God as dependent on his foreknowledge, Lib. iii. Simil. 8, 6, likewise Justin M. Dial. c. Tryph. § 141. Iren. iv. 29, 2, p. 267. Minuc. Fel. c. 36. Tert. adv. Marc. ii. 23. Clem. Al. Pad. i. 6, p. 114: Οἶδεν οὖν (ὁ Θεὸς) οὓς κέκληκεν, οὓς σέσωκεν. According to Strom. vi. p. 763, it is men's own fault if they are not elected. They resemble those who voluntarily jump out of the vessel into the sea. "Thus the practical sense of Cyprian rebelled against the doctrine of rigid predestination, of irresistible grace; he could not with so bold a front admit all the consequences which are found in the stupendous fabric of Augustine's system."—"That the bishop of Hippo still thought that he discovered his own orthodoxy in the writings of Cyprian, may perhaps be ascribed to his joy at finding in him the premises, from which he drew the conclusions. Rettberg, p. 321."

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Origen is far from believing in the doctrine of reprobation. De Princ. iii. 1 (Opp. i. p. 115. Redep. p. 20), he calls those heterodox who adduce the passage relative to the hardening of Pharaoh's heart, and other passages of the Old Test. of similar import in opposition to the aurεžovolov of the human soul. He explains God's dealings with Pharaoh from physical analogies: the rain falls upon different kinds of soil, and causes different plants to grow; the sun both melts wax and hardens clay. Even in common life it sometimes happens that a good master says to his lazy servant spoiled by indulgence: I have spoiled you, not meaning that such was his