fourths of that time they have held the offices, both judicial and executive. They made the laws, and when it did not suit them any longer to abide by those laws and by the Constitution given to us by our fathers they revolted, they rebelled, and they took up arms against the Government. Where is the parallel between them and the men of the Revolution? There is a contrast wide as the gulf between heaven and hell; but there is no parallel at all.

Mr. Chairman, I have said more than I intended to say on this matter. It does appear to me that very little need be said upon it. There is but one thing to be said of the true men of the nation, I care not by what name they may be called. They are the men who stand up for the flag of their country, and against oppression. They are the men who, coming from all denominations of Christians and all parties, rally around the flag of the Union, and who are determined to carry forward this war to a successful termination, whatever it may cost, even though the institution of slavery shall go down with it.

Mr. HOLMAN. I move that the House do now adjourn.

The motion was agreed to; and thereupon (at twenty minutes past three o'clock, p. m.) the House adjourned.

IN SENATE.

THURSDAY, December 15, 1864.

Prayer by Rev. THOMAS BOWMAN, D. D., Chaplain to the Senate.

Hon. WILLIAM A. RICHARDSON, of Illinois, appeared in his seat to-day.

The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS.

Mr. WILLEY presented the memorial of the Franklin Insurance Company of Washington city, District of Columbia, praying for an extension and amendment of its charter; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

Mr.WILSON presented the petition of Charles K. Graham, a brigadier general in the army of the James, and other officers, praying for an increase of the pay proper, of the allowance for servants, and of the price of the ration allowed to officers of the Army; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia.

Mr. COWAN presented a petition of members of the Cigar Makers' Union of Philadelphia, praying for a repeal of the law taxing cigars, and that the duties imposed thereon may be placed upon the raw material; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. FOOT presented the petition of James B. Royce, praying to be allowed the bounty of $100 provided by law in cases of discharge for disa

which was referred to the Committee on Pensions.

On the other side are the apologists of slavery. They are the men who claim to be Union men, but who, in all their speeches, all their actions, and all their efforts, are forever finding fault with what is done on the side of the Union, and by Union men, while they have never a word against treason, or traitors, or against Jeff. Davis's government. I think it is time that the people of the 'United States, and particularly the men sent to Congress to represent their constituents, throughout the length and breadth of the land, should take this matter in a different light. I think it is time that they should rally together as one man, and that when speeches are to be made on this floor, whether in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, or in the House, men shall talk loy-bility occasioned by wounds received in battle; ally, so that they shall be above suspicion; that the words they have to say, if of cheer, shall be for their own Government; and that their words of condemnation shall not be for this Government, but for the enemies of the country who are in arms against that Government. When that shall come about, and when the South shall be satisfied that we stand as a unit, shoulder to shoulder, hand to hand, eye to eye, in this matter; when they see that we are determined that they shall go down to the shades of oblivion, or shall obey the laws of the land; when, I say, they are satisfied of that, there will be no longer any rebellion in the South. But just as long as they are satisfied that they have friends at the North, and in the national Capitol, just as long as speeches are made here which can be easily interpreted to mean that the South is not wrong in its course of action, just so long may the rebels be expected to have heart and hope for the infamous and traitorous war they are waging.

I have a hope, therefore-nay, it is only a half hope that hereafter the speeches to be made on this floor by members on the other side of the House will have a little more of the ring of the true metal of patriotism unalloyed; that they will contain words of cheer for their country and for the brave men who are carrying the flag of freedom in the forefront of advancing columns, charging on the enemy in the battle-field; and that they will contain no words of cheer for those who are endeavoring to destroy our civil and religious insti

tutions.

Mr. SPALDING. I move that the committee rise.

The motion was agreed to.

So the committee rose; and the Speaker having resumed the chair, Mr. BLAINE reported that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had had under consideration the Union generally, and particularly the last annual message of the President of the United States, and had come to no conclusion thereon.

NAVAL FORCE ON THE LAKES.

Mr. SUMNER submitted the following resolution; which was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested, if not inconsistent with the public interest, to furnish to the Senate any information on the files of the Department of State concerning the paper published in the volume of Treaties and entitled "Arrangement between the United States and Great Britain, between Richard Rush, Esq., acting as Secretary of State, and Charles Bagot, her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary," relating to the naval force to be maintained upon the American lakes.

DISLOYAL GOVERNMENT EMPLOYÉS. Mr. LANE, of Kansas. I offer the following resolution, and ask for its present consideration:

Resolved, That the committee on the conduct of the war be instructed to inquire as to the truth of the alleged charge that large numbers of disloyal persons are in the employ of the Government in the various navy-yards and quarterniasters' and ordnance depots throughout the country, to the exclusion of loyal men, with power on the part of said committee to send for persons and papers.

By unanimous consent, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution.

Mr. LANE, of Kansas. I desire to repeat a statement that was made in my presence last night to a large assembly of gentlemen in a public speech, that a few days ago the son of a soldier who had perished in a rebel prison applied at the navy-yard in Philadelphia for employment, that employment being necessary for the maintenance of the family left by this soldier who had died of starvation; that he was refused, while at the moment of his refusal there were thousands of disloyal men in the employment of that navy-yard. I make this statement in the hearing of the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs and call his attention to it. I ask for the passage of the resolution.

Mr. CHANDLER. I would suggest to the Senator from Kansas that perhaps he had better take a special committee. This resolution will open a very broad field of inquiry, and probably a broader field than the committee on the conduct of the war can occupy during the present session. If the Senator will ask for a special committee to make this investigation, I shall certainly vote for his resolution. The committee on the conduct of the war is already instructed to investigate many very important matters, and probably will not have time during the remainder of this short session to take up this great subject. It is at the present moment under orders from the

two Houses of Congress to investigate perhaps as much as it can possibly accomplish between now and the 4th day of March.

Mr. LANE, of Kansas. My object in offering the resolution is to have this investigation and a report made on the subject before the installation of the new Administration. If there is such an evil as that referred to in the resolution, it ought to be known and the policy of the Administration to be changed, on its installation at least. I am one of the men who believe that no Government can be successfully administered unless it surrounds itself by officeholders in sympathy with it, and I want this report made before the 4th day of March next, if it can be done.

Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. President, I do not know that I have any peculiar confidence in the Administration, or any greater confidence than is possessed by any member of the Senate; but notwithstanding that, I am perfectly willing to trust the executive administration of the Government to the President of the United States. If that is not done in the instance referred to by the honorable member from Kansas, it must be because he is not advised of it, and the offering of the resolution itself will bring the fact to his attention, and will cause him, as I am sure he is himself loyal, to see that every department of the Govern ment under his charge is properly and loyally administered. What may be the fact in relation to this particular navy-yard I am not advised of, nor did I ever hear it questioned until this moment by the honorable Senator from Kansas; but I cer-. tainly understood, a day or two after the last election, that every employé of that navy-yard voted for the reelection of the present incumbent of the presidential chair. That, I suppose, is some evidence of loyalty, as the converse of the proposition is, with some, supposed to be true, that those who did not so vote are to be considered as disloyal.

What I object to is, that we should, as a Senate, interfere with what I think is a peculiar duty of the executive department. Suppose the investigation turns out as the honorable member supposes it may be, and we express an opinion. That has no legal binding bearing upon the President of the United States. He may or may not disregard it, either because he thinks it immaterial or because he does not concur in the conclusion to which your committee may come; and if, upon either ground, he refuses, what are you to do? Are you to go to the other House and suggest that he be impeached, when, by doing so, you, in advance, pronounce a judgment against him upon that subsequent possible impeachment?

The Government, according to my understanding of the relations in which the departments stand to each other, cannot get on unless each is left to the full and fair and unimpeded discharge of its separate official duties. And while I know that the Senate of the United States, now and ever, when the honor of the country has been at stake, has never failed in loyalty or in patriotism, and is especially patriotic at the present time, I am willing to believe, and I do believe, that in that particular they are not at all superior to the Executive of the United States. He is equally loyal and equally patriotic. Whatever differences of opinion I might entertain in relation to him and his policy, are differences wholly irrespective of the question whether he is loyal or not loyal. I never doubted it from the beginning of his administration; I do not doubt it now; and I have no reason to suppose that I shall be brought to doubt it hereafter. But what I protest is, that we should, not at his instance, but apparently as against his conduct, constitute a committee for the purpose of getting the material by which we are to control his administration in the future.

The honorable member talks of inaugurating a new Administration on the 4th of March. Who is to inaugurate it? What authority have we over the manner in which that Administration shall conduct the affairs of the nation except what the Constitution gives? Try him if he comes before us properly under the provisions of the Constitution, by an impeachment presented by the House of Representatives; try him only; not in advance pronounce a judgment, holding him up before the people of the United States as having been already recreant to his duty.

Mr. President, the condition of the country now requires forbearance upon the part of every

member who is here in the council of the Government-forbearance and confidence. The dreadful civil strife in which we have been engaged now for nearly four years is going on, when to terminate God only knows. That it will terminate at some future day, and terminate so as to bring about a restored Union and a peace such as will be permanent, I have no doubt now, as I never have had a doubt, provided the councils of the country, legislative and executive, are true to their own constitutional duty; and I am far from suspecting that the President of the United States will in either particular which falls within the hypothetical condemnation of this resolution fail to be true to his duty.

Mr. LANE, of Kansas. Mr. President, I have adopted this plan for the purpose of bringing the information to the attention of the President, believing that he will remedy it when it is shown him. There is no better way to furnish it to him than through a committee of this body.

Forbearance, the honorable Senator from Maryland suggests! Forbearance to employ disloyal men in our navy-yards to the exclusion of loyal men! Forbearance ceases to be a virtue when carried thus far. In my opinion, sir, Congress itself is not without a remedy. I am one of the men who believe that a navy-yard that cannot be run without the employment of disloyal men should be abated. I am one of the men who believe that any position that has to be filled by a disloyal man should be abolished. Having entire confidence in the loyalty of the President, it is with no other view than to bring this existing evil to his attention in a tangible form that I have introduced the resolution, and I trust it will be adopted. The resolution was adopted.

MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. MCPHERSON, its Clerk, announced that the House had passed the bill of the Senate (No. 350) to authorize the purchase or construction of revenue cutters on the lakes.

The message further announced that the House had passed the following bill of the Senate with an amendment in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate:

A bill (No. 329) for the relief of William H. Jameson, a paymaster in the United States Army.

The message also announced that the House of Representatives had passed the following bills, in which it requested the concurrence of the Sen

ate:

A bill (No. 583) to amend the twenty-first section of an act entitled "An act to define the pay and emoluments of certain officers of the Army, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862; and

A bill (No. 586) to drop from the rolls of the Army unemployed general officers.

ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED.

The message also announced that the Speaker of the House of Representatives had signed the enrolled joint resolution (H. R. No. 123) to correct certain clerical errors in the Internal Revenue act, and it was thereupon signed by the President pro tempore.

ADJOURNMENT TO MONDAY.

On motion of Mr. FOOT, it was Ordered, That when the Senate adjourn to-day it be meet on Monday next.

to

RAIDS FROM THE BRITISH PROVINCES. Mr. CHANDLER. I desire now to call up the resolutions I offered yesterday in order to move their reference to a committee. If Senators will permit the reference to be made unanimously, without debate, I am perfectly willing to wave debate, but if it is desired to enter on a discussion of the subject now, I am prepared to do that. I will first move to take up the one in relation to the Canada frontiers.

The motion was agreed to, and the Senate proceeded to consider the following resolution:

Whereas raids have been organized in the Canadas and Nova Scotia, and men enlisted in said British provinces by men purporting to hold commissions from the rebels of the United States, for the purpose of robbing and murdering peaceable citizens of the United States, of burning cities and villages, of piratically capturing merchant vessels and murdering their crews, and for a general system of murder, arson, robberies, and plunder of the peaceable and unarmed citizens of the United States; and whereas the people of the British provinces seem disposed to protect these thieves,

robbers, incendiaries, pirates, and murderers, not only in their individual capacities, but by the quibbles of the law: Therefore,

Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs be directed to inquire into the expediency of immediately enlisting an Army corps to watch and defend our territory bordering on the lakes and Canadian line from all hostile demonstrations and incursions.

Mr. CHANDLER. I now move its reference to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. SUMNER. Allow me to suggest to my friend that it should be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Mr. CHANDLER. I do not object to that. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator so modify his motion?

Mr. CHANDLER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SUMNER. If it is allowed to go in that direction I shall have nothing to say; otherwise I might have something to say upon it.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It is moved that the resolution be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

The motion was agreed to.

RECLAMATION ON GREAT BRITAIN. Mr. CHANDLER. I now move to take up the other resolution that I offered yesterday. The motion was agreed to, and the Senate proceeded to consider the following resolution:

Whereas at the commencement of the present rebellion the United States were at peace with all the Governments of the world, and upon terins of comity and good-will with Great Britain; and whereas that nation, before the arrival on her soil of our minister accredited by the administration of President Lincoln, precipitately acknowledged the rebels as belligerents, thus recognizing their flag upon the ocean, without which recognition it would have been regarded and treated as piratical by all other Powers; and whereas she then proclaimed perfect neutrality between a Republic with which she had entertained friendly relations for upward of a half century and its treasonable subjects; and whereas numbers of her subjects, with the knowledge of her Government, commenced fitting out British fast-sailing ships, loaded with munitions of war, for the purpose of running into our blockaded ports to the rebels, thus furnishing them the means of organizing and continuing the rebellion, and without which it could not have sustained itself six months; and whereas, in addition to the above, and with the knowledge of the Government, British subjects and members of Parliament engaged in the manufacture of piratical English ships, owned by British subjects, manned by British seamen, and sailing under British colors, for the purpose of burning, destroying, and utterly driving from the ocean all peaceful merchant vessels sailing under the United States ilag; and whereas many private and unarmed American ships have been burned and destroyed by these pirates from British ports, thus causing great loss and damage to the citizens of the United States: Therefore,

Resolved, That the Secretary of State be instructed immediately to make out a list of each ship and cargo thus destroyed, with a fair and separate valuation thereof, and interest thereon at the rate of six per cent. per annum, from the date of capture or destruction to the date of presentation, and that he be directed to demand from the British Government payment in full for all ships and cargoes destroyed as aforesaid.

Mr. CHANDLER. I now move that this resolution take the same direction as the other.

The motion was agreed to; and the resolution was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

ENROLLMENT OF MILITIA.

Mr. BROWN. I offer the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia be, and they are hereby, instructed to inquire into the expediency of so amending the act of Congress of March 8, 1792, entitled "An act more effectually to provide for the national defense by establishing a uniform militia throughout the United States," and also the several acts amendatory of the same, as shall provide for the enrollment of all male citizens between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, resident in the respective States, without respect to color; and also to submit such other provisions as inay tend more efficiently to organize the militia system of the United States, and report by bill or otherwise.

As this is simply a resolution of instruction to the committee to inquire into the expediency of passing a law on this subject, I will ask for its present consideration.

The resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to.

ALEXANDER J. ATOCHA.

Mr. FOSTER. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Senate bill No. 281.

The motion was agreed to; and the bill (S. No. 281) for the relief of Alexander J. Atocha was read a second time and considered as in Committee of the Whole. It directs the Court of Claims to examine into the claims of Alexander J. Atocha against the Government of Mexico for losses sustained by him by reason of his expulsion from that republic in 1845, and to fix and determine

their amount; and when the loss or damage so sustained is adjudicated and determined by the court, it is to be paid to him, provided the amount so to be paid shall in no event exceed the balance of the $3,250,000 provided by the fifteenth article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo for the payment of claims of citizens of the United States against the Government of Mexico which still remains unapplied to that object.

Mr. FOSTER. The bill does not propose to appropriate any money. It proposes to authorize the petitioner to have his claim heard and adjudicated by the Court of Claims, and if they should find any amount due, that amount is to be paid if it shall not exceed the sum already provided in the fifteenth article of the treaty referred to in the bill set apart for the payment of this class of claims. The Committee on Foreign Relations, without undertaking to determine whether any amount was due to the petitioner or not, were satisfied, and I believe unanimously satisfied, that there was at least merit enough in the claim to have it heard before the proper court. I hope, therefore, the bill will be allowed to pass.

Mr. COLLAMER. By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo with Mexico, the United States undertook to pay the claims which existed in favor of our citizens against Mexico, provided they did not exceed the sum of $3,000,000-I think that was the sum. Whatever there is of that sum remaining in the Treasury of the Uni-. ted States is the property of the United States, unless it becomes necessary to pay just claims due our citizens from Mexico. This bill contains an appropriation to be paid out of that money. The justice of it all depends upon whether this is a just claim. The commissioners created by the treaty for the purpose of settling, auditing, and allowing these claims, have long since performed that duty, and all claims that they found to be just have been paid. I do not know whether this claim was ever adjudicated upon by them or not; but if it was, it was rejected, as it has not been paid. I do not know what reason is given why the claim was not presented and adjudicated and settled there.

But, sir, I desire more particularly to call attention to the expression made use of in this bill: "That the Court of Claims be and the said court is hereby directed to examine into the claims of Alexander J. Atocha against the Government of Mexico for losses sustained by him by reason of his expulsion from that republic in 1815, and to fix and determine the amount of the same; and that the loss or damage so sustained, being adjudicated and determined by said court, the same shall be paid," &c.

That, as I understand the words, does not ask of the court to inquire into the merits of the claim. It directs the court to ascertain the amount which the man suffered by being sent out of Mexico, without saying whether his being sent out was right or wrong. That has been the great issue in the case of Atocha. It was always insisted by Mexico that this was no just claim against her; that she had a right to remove him in the relation in which he stood and the manner in which he conducted himself; that she did remove him, and had the right to remove him, and that there was no just claim about it at all. Now it is proposed to take up this claim which the commissioners of Mexico when they were sitting with ours disallowed, disclaimed, and never agreed to, and, as I understand the bill, to direct the Court of Claims to ascertain how much that man suffered by being sent out of the then republic of Mexico at a certain time, and then, the amount being so adjudicated, it is to be paid, when the merits of it, or whether he was properly or improperly sent out of Mexico, is not by the bill submitted to the court at all. So far as my recollection of it goes, the very essence of the case is not so much in regard to the amount, as the merits of the claim upon Mexico as falling within the terms of our treaty. I am not prepared at this moment to submit an amendment to the bill, but if we submit the question at all to the Court of Claims, I desire that some phraseology may be used by which we shall submit it upon the merit that belongs to it, and not merely the amount which they might find resulting from his being sent from that country.

Mr. FOSTER. The object of the committee was directly to arrive at the result suggested by the Senator from Vermont, and to have the court instructed to inquire into this case-not merely into the amount of damage or loss sustained by Mr. Atocha, but into the question of the merits

of his claim, and unless he were unjustly treated by the Government of Mexico, he would have no claim upon that Government. We certainly were not of the opinion that he should be paid any loss that he might have justly suffered. If the bill is not so framed, it is my wish, and I am sure the wish of the committee, as it would be of the Senate, that it should be; and, under the suggestion of the Senator from Vermont, I am perfectly willing that the bill should be laid aside until he may propose any amendment that will meet his views. Certainly, any amendment that embodies that principle only, is as much in accordance with the views of the committee as it can be with his. I am willing, therefore, and move, that it be laid on the table for that purpose. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The bill will be postponed, if there be no objection.

Mr. FOSTER subsequently said: I move now that the Senate resume the consideration of the bill (S. No. 281) for the relief of A. J. Atocha, which was laid aside a few moments since at the instance of the Senator from Vermont.

The motion was agreed to.

Mr. FOSTER. I move to amend the bill by striking out in the seventh line the words "and to" before "fix," and inserting in lieu of them, "and if they shall be of opinion that the said claim was a just one against Mexico when the treaty of 1848 was ratified, and was embraced by said treaty, they shall then." This amendment has been shown to the Senator from Vermont and meets his approval. I hope, therefore, that it will be adopted.

The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. CHANDLER. This case was familiar to me some years ago, but I have forgotten the details of it. I move that the further consideration of the bill be postponed until to-morrow; I desire time to reexamine it. It covers, if I remember rightly, several hundred thousand dollars. It is a long-contested, dubious old claim, which I should like to look into thoroughly before voting upon the bill.

Mr. FOSTER. I have, of course, no objection to the motion of the Senator from Michigan if he wishes to examine the case. If, however, he is under the apprehension that the bill takes any money from the Treasury, I assure him that he is mistaken; it takes not a cent from the Treasury.

Mr. CHANDLER. Does it from the fund provided for by the treaty?

Mr. FOSTER. Not a cent from the fund. It simply authorizes this individual to try his case in the Court of Claims; and if he has no case, I am sure that court will say he has none. not take a dollar from the Treasury.

It does

Mr. CHANDLER. The case was up once before, and I should like to examine it again thoroughly.

Mr. FOSTER I have no objection to a postponement if the Senator wishes to take time to examine the bill, but I thought he was under a mistake as to its effect.

Mr. CHANDLER. look into it.

I may be; but I wish to

Mr. FOSTER. Very well; I have no objection to the postponement.

The motion to postpone was agreed to.

GEORGE W. MURRAY.

Mr. FOSTER. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of House bill No. 380. It is a bill reported from the Committee on Pensions.

The motion was agreed to; and the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the bill (H. R. No. 380) for the relief of George W. Murray. It directs the Commissioner of Pensions to pay to George W. Murray the pension to which he was entitled by the act of Congress approved March 3, 1837, entitled "An act for the more equitable administration of the Navy pension fund."

The bill was reported to the Senate, ordered to a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

REUBEN CLOUGH.

On motion of Mr. FOSTER, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill (S. No. 316) for the relief of Reuben Clough, which was read a second time, and considered as in Com

mittee of the Whole. It directs the Secretary of the Interior to place the name of Reuben Clough on the invalid pension roll, at the rate of eight dollars per month, commencing on the 15th of May, 1815, and ending on the 29th of December, 1848, when his present pension was allowed him at the Pension Bureau.

The bill was reported to the Senate, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

COMMERCE AMONG THE STATES.

On motion of Mr. CHANDLER, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to the consideration of the bill (H. R. No. 307) to regulate commerce among the several States.

Mr. CHANDLER. I understand that there are several Senators who desire to be heard at length upon this bill, among others the Senator from Maryland, [Mr. JOHNSON.] As I desire to give every Senator a full opportunity to discuss this bill, I move that its further consideration be postponed, and that it be made the special order for Tuesday next, on which day the debate may go on.

Mr. GRIMES. Fix a day beyond the holidays; for until then the bill cannot be satisfactorily considered.

Mr. CHANDLER. If we find on Tuesday next that further postponement is desirable it can then be postponed to a subsequent day.

Mr. JOHNSON. I would suggest to the Senator from Michigan whether he had not better postpone it a few days later. The Senate may not be in session on Tuesday next.

Mr. CHANDLER. Will the first Tuesday in January suit the Senator better?

Mr. JOHNSON. Certainly; though any time will suit me.

Mr. CHANDLER. Very well, then, I will consent to that.

Mr. BROWN. Say the first Wednesday in January.

Mr. JOIINSON. I think it would be better to say the first Wednesday or Thursday in January.

Mr. CHANDLER. I will so vary my motion as to designate the first Wednesday in January

On motion of Mr. SUMNER, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill (S. No. 356) to authorize the President of the United States to transfer a gunboat to the Government of Liberia.

The bill was read a second time and considered as in Committee of the Whole. It authorizes the President of the United States to transfer to the Government of the republic of Liberia any one of the gunboats now or hereafter included in the Navy of the United States, her armament, tackle, apparel, and furniture, which may be acceptable to that Government, and can, in the judgment of the Secretary of the Navy, be conveniently spared for that purpose, and upon a valuation to be fixed by him. The Secretary of the Navy is also to be directed to enter into a contract with any person duly empowered by the Government of that republic, by which that Government shall engage to repay to the United States the value of the gunboat to be transferred; and the contract is to stipulate for the full reimbursement to the United States of the value of such gunboat in annual installments, not exceeding ten in number, with interest on each at six per cent. per annum from the date of the contract.

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and was read the third time.

Mr. POWELL. I am under the impression that this bill ought not to pass. I do not think this Government, while engaged in this war, should send gunboats off to any foreign Power. I think it would be impolitic to do so. As I am opposed to it, I ask for the yeas and nays on the passage of the bill.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. SUMNER. I shall not enter into any debate on this question; I shall content myself with calling attention to the words of the President in his annual message. A very short paragraph on this subject there, it seems to me, is a complete

answer to the suggestion of the Senator from Kentucky. It is as follows:

"Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that republic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United States.

"I solicit your authority to furnish to the republic a gunboat at moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by installments. Such a vessel is needed for the safety of that State against the native African races; and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in arresting the African slave trade than a squadron in our own hands. The possession of the least organized naval force would stimulate a generous ambition in the republic, and the confidence which we should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance and favor toward the colony from all civilized nations."

own.

Mr. POWELL. The portion of the President's message which has been read by the Senator from Massachusetts has not caused me to change my opinion. I had before noticed that recommendation in the message, and I thought it most singular at the time the message was read at the desk. I do not think this Government ought to be taking charge of the interests of other countries; it certainly is as much as we can do to take care of our I think one of the evils of the time in this Confederacy has grown out of the fact that some of the States and the people of some of the States have been intermeddling with the institutions of other States and sections. I think it is wrong in every aspect of the case that we should take the guardianship of other countries or interfere with them. If they want gunboats, let them build them; if they want ships of the line, let them build them. They ought to know all about their own policies. If they have the money to pay for gunboats, they can have them built, or any other description of vessels of war. If they choose to come and hire our ship-builders to build them in their private docks, all very well; but for this Government to set about to regulate the policies of other people, and to turn trader in gunboats, I think is highly impolitic. It is a thing which the Senate ought not to It is not my purpose to make a speech on the subject; I merely wish to put on record my opposition to any such intermeddling policy.

concur in for a moment.

The yeas and nays were taken, and resultedyeas 33, nays 9; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chandler, Clark, ColJamer, Conness, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Farwell, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson-33. NAYS-Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Davis, Harding, Hendricks, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, and Wright-9. NOT VOTING-Messrs. Hale, Hicks, Howe, McDougall, Morrill, Richardson, and Saulsbury-7. So the bill was passed.

Mr. GRIMES rose when Mr. MORRILL's name was called and said: I desire to say that the Senator from Maine has been called home by a telegraphic dispatch announcing the extreme illness of a member of his family; that is the reason of his absence at this time.

TERRITORIAL LAWS.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate copies of the laws, memorials, and resolutions of the Territory of Dakota, passed at the third session of the Legislative Assembly; which were referred to the Committee on Territories.

BILL INTRoduced.

Mr. RIDDLE asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 357) for the relief of Olivia W. Cannon, widow of Joseph S. Cannon, late a midshipman in the United States Navy; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

BILLS RECOMMITTED.

On motion of Mr. WILSON, the following joint resolution and bills were taken up and recommitted to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia:

A joint resolution (S. No. 20) extending the benefits of the bounty granted by the act of July 22, 1861, to certain soldiers who entered the service of the United States prior to May 3, 1861;

A bill (S. No. 103) to define the pay and emoluments of chaplains in the United States Army and volunteer forces, and for other purposes;

A bill (H. R. No. 261) to provide for the voluntary enlistment of any persons, residents of certain States, into the regiments of other States;

A bill (S. No. 231) concerning the subsistence and pay of the Army; and

A bill (S. No. 284) to increase the efficiency of the staff of the Army.

On motion of Mr. SUMNER, the bill (S. No. 93) to repeal so much of the acts of Congress, approved March 3, 1845, and August 6, 1846, as authorize the transportation of goods imported from foreign countries through the United States to the Canadas, or from the Canadas through the United States to be exported to foreign countries, was recommitted to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

HOUSE BILLS REFERRED.

The bill (No. 583) to amend the twenty-first section of an act entitled "An act to define the pay and emoluments of certain officers of the Army, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and the bill (No. 586) to drop from the rolls of the Army unemployed general officers, were severally read twice by their titles, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia.

WILLIAM II. JAMESON.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the amendment of the House of Representatives to the bill (S. No. 329) for the relief of William H. Jameson, a paymaster in the United States Army.

Mr. GRIMES. What is the bill?

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will be read. The Secretary read the bill, which provides for the allowance to Paymaster Jameson, in the settlement of his accounts, of a credit of $959 14 for money in his hands on board the steamer Ruth, which was destroyed by fire on the night of August 4, 1863.

The amendment of the House of Representatives was to add to the bill the following words:

If, on examination of the evidence by the Paymaster General, he, the said Paymaster General, shall deem him justly entitled to said credit; but such credit shall not be allowed without the said Paymaster General shall certify his approval thereof.

The amendment was concurred in.

ATTACK ON PETERSBURG.

Mr. ANTHONY submitted the following resolution, which was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the joint committee on the conduct of the war be directed to inquire into and report the facts concerning the attack on Petersburg on the 30th day of July, 1861.

FREEDOM OF SOLDIERS' FAMILIES.

Mr. WILSON. I move to take up the joint resolution (S. No. 82) to encourage enlistments and to promote the efficiency of the military forces of the United States, with the view of leaving it as the unfinished business to come up on Monday morning, for I desire to get the vote of the Senate upon it at the earliest possible time. The motion was agreed to.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The joint resolution is before the Senate as in Committee of the Whole.

Mr. WILSON. 1 now move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business.

The motion was agreed to; and after some time spent in executive session, the doors were reopened, and the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, December 15, 1864.

The House met at twelve o'clock, m. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. W. H. CHANNING. The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATION.

The SPEAKER, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a communication from the Postmaster General, transmitting estimates of appropriations needed for the Department for the fiscal year commencing July 1, 1865; which was read, and referred to the Committee of Ways and Means.

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE.

A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. FORNEY, its Secretary, informing the House that the Senate had agreed to the amendment of the House to Senate bill No. 329, for the relief of William H. Jameson, a paymaster in the United States Army.

Also, that the Senate had passed, without amendment, House bill No. 380, being an act for the relief of George W. Murray.

Also, that the Senate had passed the following bills, in which they asked the concurrence of the House:

An act (No. 316) for the relief of Reuben Clough; and

An act (No. 356) to authorize the President of the United States to transfer a gunboat to the Government of the republic of Liberia.

ENLISTMENTS.

Mr. HOLMAN. I ask unanimous consent of the House to introduce the following resolution, which is merely one of inquiry:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to furnish to the House copies of the order issued from his Department on the 21st day of December, 1863, in regard to recruits enlisted with conditions that they should be discharged when their regiments were mustered out of service; also copy of order or letter dated 22d day of December, 1863, and addressed to the Governor of the State of Massachusetts, in regard to recruits to fill up old regiments, and that he inform the House whether the principles announced in the order above mentioned have been applied to all soldiers mustered into the service to fill up those regiments.

Mr. SCHENCK. I move that that resolution be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Mr. HOLMAN. My only object is to obtain information. When that shall be furnished the House, I shall have no objection to have it referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. SCHENCK. I have no objection to the inquiry being made. But the Committee on Military Affairs have this very morning been engaged in this investigation. We are gathering information from the War Department, and I think it better that the resolution be referred to our committee. If there be anything embraced in the resolution which has not been the subject of inquiry already, and upon which information has not been obtained through the committee, we will report it back and have that additional information called for by the House.

Mr. HOLMAN. I think that this is a subject in the disposition of which the whole country has some interest. I trust the gentleman will allow the information to be obtained, and have it referred to his committee.

Mr. SCHENCK. A portion of the information called for has already been obtained by the committee. We are now in consultation with the Secretary of War upon the subject, and a report is now in course of preparation. I know this is a subject which requires investigation, and we are now engaged in that investigation. I am perfectly willing to have this resolution referred to the committee; otherwise I must insist upon my objection to the passage of this resolution at this time.

Mr. SCHENCK subsequently said: I propose, Mr. Speaker, to withdraw my objection to the resolution offered by the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. HOLMAN,] with the understanding that he will simply introduce the order and the letter, copies of which he has, and have them referred to the committee. My only object is to have the Military Committee enabled to expedite the matter and make an early report upon the subject.

Mr. HOLMAN. That is all that I desire. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Ohio. [Mr. SCHENCK] withdraws his objection, and if there be no other objection, the resolution will be considered as introduced and agreed to.

There was no objection.

Mr. HOLMAN. I now call for the regular order of business.

Mr. MALLORY. I hope the gentleman will withdraw his motion until I can submit a resolution.

Mr. HOLMAN. I will withdraw it.

PREEMPTION AND HOMESTEAD LAWS.

Mr. DONNELLY, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill entitled "An act to prevent deserters and others, therein named, from acquiring public lands under the preemption and homestead laws;" which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

ARREST OF LIEUT. GOVERNOR JACOB, ETC. Mr. MALLORY. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to offer this resolution:

Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to this House all information in his possession bear

ing on the arrest and imprisonment of R. T. Jacob, Lieutenant Governor of the State of Kentucky, and Frank Wolford, one of the presidential electors of that State; and particularly by whose order they were arrosted and imprisoned, where they are at present confined, and what offenses are charged against them. Mr. STEVENS objected.

INVALID PENSIONS.

Mr. GRISWOLD. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to offer the following resolutions:

Whereas the increasing number of pensioners, and the increasing burdens necessarily falling upon the country for their support, render it advisable to devise some means whereby this class of persons may be provided with such life employments or opportunities for industrial enterprises as may induce them to make an effort at self-support independent of a Government pension: Now, therefore,

"Be it resolved, That a committee of seven be appointed to investigate all the facts and circumstances relating to the practical working of our pension laws, as a system of permanent relief to military or naval invalids; to inquire into the actual and present condition of such invalids, and to report what measures, relating to their future disposition, will best secure to such of them as are able to labor a life support independent of a Government pension.

Resolved, That this committee be authorized to take testimony, and for this purpose have power to send for persons and papers.

Mr. STEVENS. I should have no objection to have those resolutions referred to the Committee on Pensions, but this raising committees with power to send for persons and papers upon subjects of this character seems to me to be a bad practice. I suggest to the gentleman from New York [Mr. GRISWOLD] to have these resolutions referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. GRISWOLD. I observe that petitions, signed by several distinguished individuals, have been presented to the Senate asking for appropriations for this very purpose. My object is to have such investigation made, so that when action comes to be taken upon this subject it can be taken understandingly.

Mr. STEVENS. I have certainly no hostility to the object of the gentleman, but I would suggest to the gentleman that the Committee on Pensions is the proper committee to consider this subject, and I hope the gentleman will so alter his resolution as to instruct that committee to investigate this subject.

matter.

Mr. STEVENS. I never knew a proposition to send for persons and papers that did not involve money.

Mr. GRISWOLD. Then I will waive that part, and will modify my resolutions by leaving out that one which authorizes the sending for persons and papers.

The resolution, as modified, was then agreed to. UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT IN INDIANA.

Mr. ORTH. I move that the House proceed to the consideration of Senate bill No. 352, to authorize the holding of a special session of the United States district court for the district of Indiana.

The motion was agreed to; and the bill was read a first and second time.

The bill was read at length. The first section provides that a special session of the United States district court for the State of Indiana shall be holden at the usual place of holding the court on the first Tuesday of January, 1865.

The second section provides that all suits and proceedings of a civil or criminal nature now pending in, or returnable to, the court, shall be proceeded in, heard, tried, and determined by the court at the special session in the same manner as at a regular term, and the judge is empowered to order the impanneling of a petit and grand jury for the session.

The bill was ordered to a third reading, was read the third time, and passed.

DIFFICULTIES ON THE NORTHERN BORDER. Mr. COX. I ask unanimous consent to offer the following resolution:

Resolved, That, if not incompatible with the public service, the Secretary of State be directed to communicate to this House all correspondence on file in his office with reference to the difficulties upon our northern border, and whose consideration has been referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

TAX COMMISSIONERS FOR FLORIDA.

Mr. SLOAN, by unanimous consent, offered the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to transmit to this House a copy of the report of Hon. Austin Smith, appointed by the Treasury Department to investigate the conduct of the board of tax commissioners for the district of Florida, together with the evidence accompanying the same; and also to transmit copies of any communications made by the sureties of any of such tax commissioners, asking to be relieved from liability on the official bonds of said commission; and to inform the House what, if any, action has been taken on said report and communications, and the reasons therefor.

NAVY-YARD AT OSWEGO, NEW YORK. Mr. LITTLEJOHN, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill to provide for the establishment of a navy-yard and depot at Oswego, in the State of New York; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

SUBSISTENCE DEPARTMENT.

Mr. SCHENCK, by unanimous consent, reported from the Committee on Military Affairs a bill for the better organization of the subsistence department; which was read a first and second time.

Mr. SCHENCK moved that the bill be recommitted, and ordered to be printed.

The motion was agreed to.

CAPTAIN WINSLOW AND LIEUTENANT CUSHING.

Mr. RICE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, the Committee on Naval Affairs have instructed me to report a joint resolution tendering the thanks of Congress to Captain John A. Winslow, and also a joint resolution tendering similar thanks to Lieutenant William B. Cushing. It was my intention to report those resolutions whenever the Committee on Naval Affairs should be called upon for reports. In the mean time, however, the Senate has passed joint resolutions of the same nature, and those resolutions are now on the Speaker's table. I move that they be taken up and considered at this time.

The motion was agreed to; and the House proceeded to the consideration of Senate joint resolution No. 83, tendering the thanks of Congress to Captain John A. Winslow, United States Navy, and to the officers and men under his command on board the United States steamer Kearsarge, in her conflict with the piratical craft, the Alabama, in compliance with the President's recommend. ation to Congress of the 5th of December, 1864.

The joint resolution was read a first and second time, ordered to a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

Mr. RICE, of Massachusetts, moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed, and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

DESTRUCTION OF THE ALBEMARLE.

The SPEAKER also laid before the House Senate joint resolution No. 84, tendering the thanks of Congress to Lieutenant William B. Cushing, of the United States Navy, and the officers and men who assisted him in his gallant and perilous achievement in destroying the rebel steamer Albemarle, in compliance with the President's recommendation of December 5, 1864; which was read a first and second time, ordered to be read

a third time, and it was accordingly read the third time, and passed.

Mr. RICE, of Massachusetts, moved to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.

Mr. DAVIS, of Maryland, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported the following resolution, and demanded the previous question on its adoption:

Resolved, That Congress has a constitutional right to an authoritative voice in declaring and prescribing the foreign policy of the United States, as well in the recognition of new Powers as in other matters; and it is the constitutional duty of the President to respect that policy not less in diplomatic negotiations than in the use of the national force when authorized by law; and the propriety of any declaration of foreign policy by Congress is sufficiently proved by the vote which pronounces it; and such proposition while pending and undetermined is not a fit topic of diplomatic explanation with any foreign Power.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. COX demanded the yeas and nays on the passage of the resolution.

The yeas and nays were ordered.
The resolution was again read.

Mr. FARNSWORTH moved that the resolution be laid on the table.

Mr. COX demanded the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 69, nays 63, not voting 50; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Baily, Jolin D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Blair, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Cobb, Cole, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Grinnell, Hale, Higby, Hotchkiss, John II. Hubbard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Littlejohn, Longyear, Marvin, McBride, MeIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead. Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Alexander H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Scofield, Shannon, Smith, Spalding, Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, Wheeler, Wilson, Windom, and Woodbridge-69.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Allison, Ancona, Ashley, Augustus C. Baldwin, Bliss, Blow, Brooks, James S. Brown, Chanler, Cox, Cravens, Henry Winter Davis, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Garfield, Griswold, Harding, Herrick, Holman, Asahel W. Hubbard, Jenckes, Philip Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, King, Knox, Law, Le Biond, Loan, Mallory, Marcy, McAllister, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, Odell, John O'Neill, Orth, Pendleton, Perry, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Schenck, Sloan, Smithers, Starr, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stevens, Stiles, Stuart, Sweat, Townsend, Wadsworth, and Yeaman-63.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Brandegee, William G. Brown, Freeman Clarke, Clay, Coffroth, Creswell, Dumont, English, Fenton, Frank, Gooch, Grider, Hall, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Charles M. Harris, Hooper, Hutchins, William Johnson, Julian, Kasson, Knapp, Lazear, Long, McClurg, MeDowell, McKinney, Middleton, Nelson, Pruyn, William H. Randall, John H. Rice, Robinson, Rogers, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Strouse, Thayer, Van Valkenburgh, Voorhees, Ward, Webster, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Williams, Wilder, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, and Fernando Wood-50.

So the resolution was laid on the table.
During the vote,

Mr. RICE, of Maine, not being within the bar when his name was called, asked leave to record his vote.

Mr. LE BLOND objected.

The vote was announced as above recorded.

Mr. FARNSWORTH moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was laid on the table; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

PRIVILEGED QUESTION.

The House, on my motion, on the unanimous recommendation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, at the last session, passed a resolution declaring the policy of this Government touching the republics of America. It was adopted unanimously. It went to the Senate, and there it lies. It had not been passed three days before the officer charged with the foreign correspondence of this Government directed our representatives abroad virtually to apologize to the French Government for the resolution adopted by the Representatives of the people, and in that correspondence presumed to impeach Congress of usurpation in undertaking to prescribe to the President the rules which should guide him in the foreign policy of the United States.

That correspondence was made the subject of a circular by the French Government to all of the Governments of the world, to let them understand that the Congress of the United States had no right to speak with authority in the foreign affairs of the Government, and that nothing was to be regarded except the will and declarations of the Executive. In the debates that took place in the French Assembly the world was given to understand, by the member representing the emperor, that the passage of the resolution touching Mexican affairs and French intrusion into Mexico was a momentary outburst of passion on the part of the Representatives of the American people like that which occurred when Messrs. Mason. and Slidell were arrested on board the Trent, but which did not prevent the Federal Government from giving up the two prisoners. The world was given to understand, on the authority of the Secretary of State, by the imperial Government, that Congress is such a thing as the French Assembly, the docile reflex of the executive will, its resolution a vain and presumptuous usurpation. The letter of the Secretary of State was in a tone that was not respectful to the dignity and the authority of the House of Representatives. And if that letter lays down the law of the land—and this House by its vote to-day says it does-then you have no right to a Committee on Foreign Affairs, and I am no child to play at doing that which you have no right to do. The Secretary of State, before all Europe, in a matter of the greatest moment, slapped the House of Representatives in the face in his correspondence with the French Government, and the House of Representatives says it will not even assert its dignity. The House of Representatives is the appropriate and adequate guardian of its own dignity. Sir, I am the only guardian of my own dignity; and after this vote and that correspondence most humbly but respectfully ask to be excused from further service upon the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. COX. I feel constrained to object to relieving my colleague from service on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, but if the House insist upon excusing him, I ask the same privilege myself, and desire to be excused from service upon that committee. I have no doubt gentlemen will accord that privilege to me very readily, and perhaps excuse me from all committees, if that is their pleasure. The Committee on Foreign Affairs have had little to do since this Congress began. The House sent them this resolution for their consideration. The gentleman from Maryland examined the question committed to the committee with great care, great deliberation, and great learning, as his report, which has been sent to this House, will show. That report will challenge the admiration of everybody except those who are not perhaps diligent enough to read the proceedings of Congress, or too ignorant to understand the diplomatic history of the country.

Mr. Speaker, by an examination of that report, which has nothing of a partisan character in it, everybody would be satisfied that Congress has some voice, at least, in the foreign affairs of this country, and in the diplomatic arrangements by which our peace is kept with all the world. Prece

again and again recognized foreign Governments, and we all know the precedents with respect to voting appropriations to carry out treaties, in which the voice of Congress has been omnipotent with respect to our foreign relations. And there is no reason why the voice of the chairman of our committee, or the voice of that committee itself, should not have been treated respectfully in this House. The House passed a resolution vindicat