« PoprzedniaDalej »
the glory of co-operating with God, the certainty of his approbation, and the sublime hopes that he will make those happy hereafter, who have uniformly endeavoured to make their fellow-creatures happy here. P. 10.
Tlioughts on the late General Election : as demonftrative of the Progress of Jaz
cobinifi.. By John BOWLES, Esq. pp. 97. HAVING, spoken of the author of this Publication, very recently,
(fee Orth. Ch. Mag. for Sept. p. 167), we suppress, though not without reluctance, further testimony to the purity of his intentions, the goodness of his heart, and the vigour and discernment of his intellectual powers. Of these the work before us furnishes ample proof.
Mr. Bowles affirms, that although Peace has been proclaimed, "the Jacobinical Disturber's of Mankind have by no means left off their detestable practices, or forgotten their pernicious arts. The late General Election Thews them to have been as mischievou fly industrious as ever.
“ In most of the violent contests which have occurred, the struggle has been, not as heretofore, between the supporters and opponents of the existing administration, but between government and Jacobinism; and the abettors of this horrid system have triumphed in some places of the first consequence, and in others have paved the way to future triumphs, by the operations of its genuine and characteriitic principles; by exciting the many against the few--the lower classes against their fuperiorsproprietors against those.pofleffed of property_ind the incontiderate and misguided multitude against the government, the laws, and the magistracy; in ihort, by a virtual application of the principle of universal fuffrage, tu an election of reprefentatives in a British parliament."
Our author observes that the elections have exhibited various de. grees of Jacobinism; as the candidates were more or less infected with that malady, or as local circumstances were more or less favourable to its diffusion." Nottingham, Norwich, Westminster and Middlesex, have Thewn the most shocking symptoms of that political malignancy, which the Jacobinical Virtis always occasions.
« At Nottingham the Jacobinical mob obliged one of the candidates, for the sake of his personal safety, to discontinue the poll; and afterwards publicly celebrated their triumphi, obtained in fuch a manner, by displaying the tree of liberty and the *French national tricoloured flag ; by finging the revolutionary fongs, “ Millious be free," and the Marseillois hymn; by venting the moit horrible imprecations against their sovereign; and by a procession, in the true stile of Gallic Jacobinismin which a female, representing the Goddets of Reaion, in a state of ENTIRE NUDITY was a conspicuous figure!!! The like symbols, with an exception only of the one last mentioned, had, indeed, been there employed to commemorate the peace.”
Mr. Bowles subjoins-“Can it be doubted that so corrupt a place will soon be deprived, by disfranchisement, of the right of election, and, indeed, of all its corporate rights?"-Nottingham we have long regarded as the fink of Presbyterianism and Republicanism. We have been told that for several years the Test Laws were not put in force in that corpo. ration. Aldermen were chosen, and aidermen ventured to perform their functions in that wretched town, without qualifying according to the statute. In a place disobedient to the Law or the LAND, and disaffected to the ESTABLISHED CHURCH—the noxious Ferment of Jacobinism, must ever find a proper Nidus. About eight years ago, if we re. member rightly, some young members of the corporation, com pelled
the aldermen of Nottingham to qualify, or to resign their gowns. We know not how many occasional conformists this measure produced, or how many Martyrs to the Meeting-house it furnished.-- We have some valuable correspondents in Nottingham thire, and we shall be glad to receive an authentic statement how the matter of qualification stands at present.
The Norwich election is very briefly touched upon. Perhaps in a subsequent edition of his Pamphlet, Mr. Bowles may be inclined to enter more into the detail of its occurrences; which we are led to think fayoured more strongly of Jacobinism than our author's moderation allowed him to suppose;—though he gives an extract from “ the final Ad. dress of Mr. Windham and Mr. Frere to the Electors of that city;" an extract which powerfully corroborates (if after all it wants corroborațion) Mr. B's demonstration of the progress of Jacobinisin. The Westminster election is next reviewed.
Although utter Jacobinism, has not triumphed in Westminster, the inhahabitants of that city have witneffed during the election, a scene completely Jacobinical. Among the candidats was a man, whose chief pretensions seemed to consist in the absence of thote qualifications of rank, reipecitability, or talents, which, with whatever principles they might be combined, had, till then, been considered as more or less effential to the character of a candidate. This man, by by the mere want of such qualifications, was enabled to obtain 3207 votes, and entirely to monopolize the fuffrages of the licentious rabble. The situation of Mr. Fux, on this occasion, was, at once, mortifying and instructive. That gentleman lad, for many years, been in the habit of caressing and flattering the noiiy multitude whom he had dignified by the honorable appellation—the people. In grateful return they had hailed him with shouts of applaule, and denominated him--the Man of the People. But although he had preserved a perfect contistency between his profeffions and his practice, no sooner does a man, of obscure birth and of no consequence, solicit their capricious (miles, than the giddy, inconstant, ungrateful, many, defert their old favourite, and bestow all their huzzas on his ignoble competitor. A better leffon for high-born demagogues could not be inculcated. What muft have been the feelings of Mr. Fox, when ne faw a man like Mr. Graham, ttanding by his fide; aspiring, like himself, to the honour of representing the city of Weitininter; and engrolling the favour of that very populace, of whom he (Mr. Fox) had to long been the idol, and for whole fupport he had made fo many lacrifices of dignity and real consequence! How such a scene must have affected the feelings of the honourable patriot, during a poll of nearly a fortnight, may easily be inferred from its having, on the very firit day of the election, produced a very material change in his language; (to say nothing of his declining, after his fuccess, the accustomed bonour of being chaired !) In his introductory address to the electors he made, as he had often before doné, a profesion of his political principles. Of those principles, it is well known that the fovereignty of the people had frequently been declared by him to be the most facred. But there was reason to apprehend that the people would, on this occafion, exercise their tovereignty, in a manner not altogether agreeable to him; and, therefore, although for the sake of consistency, he could not dilayow the doétrine, for which he had to frequently and lo ftrenuoully contended, he artfully qualified 'it in such a manner, as to render it inoperative, when its operation threatened to be unfavourable to himself. In short he, in effect, dethroned the sovereign people, when he saw that he was not likely to be any longer their prime minister;" he told them that they had nothing to do with the fovereignty, except in theory, that, even in theory, the fovereignty only originated in them; and that, in practice, all they can claim is, that “the constituted authorities," as in Gallican language, he termed the government, should 1 keep in mind the fovereign from whom they derived their power.” It must not, however, be fupposed that this doctrine, widely as it differs from the tenets formerly avowed by Mr. Fox, is admillible. It is indeed, altogether unfound, and
inexpresibly mischievous*. There never was an instance in which government de rived its power from the people. And the Whig system, that government so ori. ginates, and that the people have a right to choofe or to change their governors, is the foundation of the Jacobinical system, that the sovereignty resides in them, The abettors of the former system are Jacobins, in theory; and it has been proved that nothing but the fun of occasion is wanting, to ripen such persons into Jacobin in praktice. In the latter character Mr. Fox has appeared, whenever in an un.
lified manner, he has asserted the sovereignty of the people. By qualifying that doctrine as he has now done, he has only retreated from the natural confe. quences of his own conduct. And it is fortunate for him that those consequences were, in this instance, confined within fuch narrow limits, and that the sovereign people were not actually superior to the restraints of law and government; in which case, instead of being merely an object of their neglect and contempt, he would probably have been one of their first victims at the forine of liberty."
“ But it is the Middlesex Ele&ion, which, excepting only that at Moto tingham, has most strongly displayed in appropriate colours the character of Jacobinism.” Mr. Bowles's remarks on the views of the constitution, and the intention of the legislature in requiring a pecuniary qualification in voters, to the amount of, at least, 4os. per annum, arising from freehold property, are very important; and put the question on its true constitutional ground ; in opposition to the Jacobinical cant about that impracticable innovation which some would introduce, called universal Juffrage.
" It is observed by Mr. Justice Blackstone, in his Commentaries on the Laws of England, that “the true reason of requiring any qualification with regard to property," in order to entitle a man to vote for Members of Parliament, is “ to ex. clude such persons as are in so mean'a situation, that they are esteemed to have no will of their own. And the fame writer observes, that " the freehold, conftituting a qualification, was originally required to be of forty shillings annual value, because that sum would then, with proper induitry, furnith all the neceffaries of life, and render the freeholder, it he pleased, an independent man."-Thus abhor. rent is the constitution from the principle of universal suffrage. No one will say, that a freehold of the annual value of forty fillings, answers, at this time, the purpose for which it was made the necessary qualification of a county voter. On the contrary, in consequence of the prodigious diminution which has taken place in the value of money, since the time of Henry VI. the situation of a voter, who has no other property than such a freehold, must be altogether dependent and servile. The admission, therefore, of such votes, by depriving property of that weight and influence which, for the benefit of all classes, it ought to possess, tends to prevent, in its true sense, a fair representation of the people in parliament; and, as a groís violation of the genuine and original principle of the constitution in this respect, calls loudly for reform.”
The rule noscitur a fociis is applied to Sir F. B with great effect ; p. 9, &c. where the reader will find what the new Whigs, in other words, the Jacobins (for there is certainly now A COALITION between them, and they are henceforth to be counted one body) mean by the pbrase “ a fair Representation of the People in Parliament.”- According to the evidence which was given at the State Trials in 1794, a fair and free Representation of the People in Parliament was to be obtained by means of universal sufrage.
“ By an exercise of the pretended right of equal active citizenship; that it was an
* « For a refutation of the doctrine, that government originates in popular choice, fee « The Retrospect," p. 277."
infidious term, employed to cover the traiterous design of calling together a convention, which was intended to assume all political authority whatever ; to exercise sovereign power ; to act independently on Parliament, and in defiance of it; to supersede the Legislature: to depose the King; to establish a Government without either Monarchy or Aristocracy; in short, to bring about a Revolution, fimilar to that which had taken place in France. That all this was included in the term a fair Representation, by the constitutional, corresponding, and other feditious Societies, whole proceedings were made public at the Old Bailey, is incontrovertibly established by the Trials of Thomas Hardy, John Horne Tooke, and John Thel. wall; and as the Hon. Baronet is in close fraternity with the leaders of those 10cieties, it must be presumed that he sympathises with their sentiments, approves of their principles, and concurs in their projects.”
Sir F. B. is generally esteemed a pupil or a puppet of John Horne Tooke, to whom we cannot give the title of Reverend. This venerable “master of scholars,” this dextrous manager of the wires, this political Flockton receives a very severe caftigation in pp. 11-16.
Mr. Bowles enters, much at length, into all the atrocities, the exag, gerations, the inflammatory artifices, and the abominable fallhoods which characterize the Middlesex Election.
All the charges brought against the excellent Mr. Mainwaring, (whom to know as a Man, is to love; and as a Magistrate, to revere;) relative to the management of the House of Correction in Cold-bath-fields, are refuted; and a complete body of evidence respecting it is printed in the Appendix: and the case of the Proprietors of the Mill, is fully stated and duly reprobated.
Mr. B. says, that Sir F. B's success was atchieved by the force of one weapon only,-CALUMNY.–Subjoined to this word is a note which we beg leave to adopt into our text. It occurs p. 25.
" It is surprising that Mr. Byng could suffer fuch falsehoods to be daily published in his presence, without contradicting them. As a Middlesex Magistrate, and particularly as one of the Committee of Magit. trates, whose office it was to visit the House of Correction in Cold-bath. fields, he could not but know that the accusations which were brought against that prison, and against Mr. Mainwaring, were foul calumnies. How he can justify himself for giving, by his filence, his sanction to such calumnies on a brother Magistrate; nay, in effect, on all the Magistrates of the county; and on a prison of which he was one of the guardians; is a matter well deserving his serious consideration. poffeffed of his powers of reflexion, cannot but know, that filence is capable of being no less injurious, and even more base than the foulest aspersions.”
We ought here to close our observations on this well-written and welltimed Pamphlet. Our limits are already exceeded, but we cannot refrain from giving one passage more (p. 59,) out of many which have
“ When the Proprietors of the ever memorable Mill presented themselves at the hustings, in order to take the oath respecting their freeholds, (not one of these men was fuffered to vote for Mr. Mainwaring;) a father came up accompanied by his fon. The latter, when he heard what he was to fiuear, rejected the oath. The father, unmoved by such an example, persisted in perjuring himself.”—This miserable wretch, we hope, was not competent to decide upon the case. He probably voted, as he was desired by the greater wretches, who brought him thither. Unhappy old nian!
ftruck us forcibly.
may God pardon thine ignorance, without taking vengeance on thine obstinacy;--and may he lead to repentance those who have committed the crime, and incurred the guilt, and will probably suffer the punishment consequent on Subornation of Perjury.
Remarks on the Controversy subfifiing, or supposed to subsiji, between the Ar
minian und Calvinistic Mlinijters of the Church of England: in a second
quent disputes between those divines who have adhered to that system, and the advocates of more enlarged notions upon the subject of man's falvation. At the beginning of the last century, Dr. John Edwards publithed several books, in which all the decisions of the Synod of Dordt were strenuously asserted to be the doctrine of our Church; and the general body of the Clergy were furiously abused by him for their 'supposed apostacy from the truth. There were but few, however, who thought it worth while to enter the lifts with this angry zealot, who, in all his writings, manifested an uncommon regard to the Diflenters, and spoke very difre1pe&tfully of rites and ceremonies, as well as of Charch Communion itself. But what better could be expected from the son of a virulent Presbyterian who declaimed vehemently against toleration during the usurpation of Cromwell? The question of the Calvinism of the Church flept for many years; and was not revived till many of the pulpits of the establishment began to be infected with the novelties of Methodism. Then it was that the forgotten, and mouldy volumes of Edwards were ransacked, and from them new apologies for Calvinism were framed under the pretence of vindicating the pure doctrines of the Church of England. The late Mr. Toplady, who wrote the most ably of the modern Calvinists, has, however, done little more than new dress the testimonies and arguments of Edwards, whose name, however, does not occur in his polemical tracts. The spirit by which these two zealous predestinarians was actuated was precisely the fame. Heady, captious, contident, and enthusiastic, they thought coolnefs and good manners to Arminian heretics would have been to betray the cause of Christ. Overflowing with zeal for the divine decrees, they denounced anathemas upon their opponents, and charitably consigned over to the devil those who denied irresistible grace, with its precious consequences. It must be confetled that there were Calvinists of a more pacific temper; men who believed the irrespective decrees without condemning those as heretics who believe them not; and who thought the subject fitter for private fpeculation than for public discullion. We have given this brief view of the leading controvertists, by way
of introducing to our readers the author of the “ True Churchman Afcertained ;” a title which, at the first inspection, startled us not a little. Great, thought we, must be the boldness of that man, who ventures upon the arduous tatk of fegregating the true from the false Churchman, ini this day of schism, lukewarmness, herely, and infidelity. Such a man should be himself of no party, but be cool and candid, and poffeffed of no ordinary stores of knowledge, as well as of fagacity. The first thing we find in the present adventurer is, that he is a Calvinist : and though not precifely of the temper of these polemics we have been mentioning, yet as