clusive of these, there are as many Presbyterians and Roman Catholics in Ulster, as are capable of disarming the Orangemen.

The present state of Ireland is truly foreboding of some sudden explosion, that shall shake the British Empire to its centre, and sweep away in its vortex-torrent the holds and fastnesses of English tyranny. B.

IRISH AFFAIRS.

To make room for the following important and signally momentous letters, and the interesting speeches of Messrs. O'CONNELL, SHEIL, STEELE, as well as of that of the wealthy Dublin Banker, JOHN DAVID LATOUCHE, Esq. we are obliged to exclude our Retrospect of Irish politics, which we had prepared for this publication.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND THE MOST REV. DR. CURTIS.

As this correspondence now forms a part of the history of our times, we are induced to publish the answer of the Most Rev. and venerated Prelate, to the letter of the Premier, which has been a subject of so much speculation and commentary. It is as follows:

"Drogheda, 19th December, 1828.

"MY LORD DUKE-I have never been more agreeably surprised in my life than by the unexpected honour of receiving your Grace's very kind and even friendly letter of the 11th instant, which, coming from so high a quarter, I should naturally wish to reserve, if possible; but as it was franked by yourself, the news of its arrival was known all over this town, (as might be expected from a provincial post-office) before the letter reached my hands, so that I was obliged, in your Grace's defence and my own, to communicate its contents to a few chosen friends, for the satisfaction of the multitude, who might otherwise fabricate, in its stead, some foolish, or, perhaps, mischievous nonsense of their own. But fortunately, your Grace's letter contained only such liberal and benevolent sentiments as all parties must eulogise, and none could possibly malign; besides, it very seasonably strengthens the testimony that I, as a faithful witness, have, on all occasions given, of your generous, upright and impartial disposition. It would be somewhat worse than ridiculous in me to offer any thing in the shape of political advice to a consummate statesman at the head of the first Cabiet in or out of Europe; but as your Grace has so humanely condescended to mention some of the difficulties tending to paralyze your efforts to settle the Roman Catholic question, I beg leave to submit to your superior judgment a few reflections made to me, by some well informed and unbiassed friends, as well Protestant as Catholic, who certainly understand the subject better than I can pretend to do.

"They have read with great pleasure and gratitude, the noble declaration, in which your Grace so strongly expressed your sincere anxiety to witness the settlement of the Roman Catholic question, which you are convinced, would, by benefitting the State, confer a benefit on every individual of society; and you regret that you see no prospect of such a settlement, because violent party feelings are mixed up with that question, and pervade every discussion of it, to such a degree as to to preclude the possibility of prevailing upon men to consider it dispassionately; but that, if it could be buried in oblivion for a short time, and if that time were diligently employed in the consideration of the question, you would not despair of seeing a satisfactory remedy. "These humane and statesmanlike sentiments (as far as they go) do great honor to your Grace's head and heart, and might appear sufficient, if you were a private nobleman, but not in your present exalted station, with power to wield, when necessary, all the resources of the government; for it would be a slur on the unrivalled and farfamed British Constitution, to assert, that even when well administered, it does not possess or supply means for establishing any thing known to be essential for the welfare, peace, and tranquillity of the empire at large, and for putting down or removing any intrigue or party spirit that might wantonly attempt to oppose so great a blessing, My friends allow that such momentous exertions may be sometimes unsuccessful, when Government is conducted by weak or unsupported heads or hands; and that they require such a Prime Minister as the nation has now, and I hope, will long have the happiness to enjoy ; who, after an uninterrupted series of the greatest victories, and the successful arrangement of the most important interests that, perhaps, ever yet occurVOL. I.-8

red, has been placed at the head of the Government, by the entire and well-earned confidence of our most gracious Sovereign, and with the universal applause of the whole empire. Under such a chief, exerting his legitimate prerogative, they say that no party would dare to oppose the general good; and that if your Grace would intimate your serious resolution to settle the Roman Catholic question, its opponents would instantly fly, and appear no more; and if the settlement were once carried, it would, in a few days, be no more spoken or thought of than the concessions now are, that were lately made to the Dissenters; for the enemies of such an arrangement are not half so angry, in reality, as they now appear to be, in order, by that bugbear, to carry their point. "But my friends have no hesitation in declaring, that the project mentioned by your Grace, of burying the Catholic question in oblivion, for the purpose of considering it more at leisure, is totally inadmissible, and would exasperate, in the highest degree, those who are already too much excited, and could only consider that measure as a repetition of the same old pretext, so often employed, to elude and disappoint their hopes of redress. But that if it even were adopted, it would only serve to augment the difficulties by allowing the contending parties, and particularly the enemies of all concession, the opportunities they seek, for preparing the means of resistance and violence, which they have latterly carried to the most alarming lengths; which they have avowed and publicly announced in atrocious and sanguinary terms, to which, however, I should not here allude, (for I never wish to be an accuser,) but that I am certain your Grace must have read those horrible threats, often repeated in the Brunswick and Orange public prints; and to this latter subject, at least, I must beg leave to call your Grace's attention, and to implore your powerful protection, humbly praying that you will not suffer public peace and concord to be disturbed or violated, under any pretext whatever. An effectual remedy will cost your Grace but one word. I do not, however, hereby mean to meddle in temporal affairs, but I consider it my bounden duty to labor incessantly, in concurrence with all my venerable confreres, to impress on the minds and hearts of all those committed to our spiritual care, sentiments of true Christian charity, moderation, and kind forbearance, towards all men, without exception. "I beg your Grace will excuse the length of this letter, and vouchsafe to consider it as a proof of my unfeigned regard, and of the sincere respect with which

"I have the honour to remain, my Lord Duke, your Grace's most obedient and humble servant, R. CURTIS. "To bis Grace the Field Marshal, Duke of Wellington, his Majesty's Prime Minister, &c. &c. &c."

THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY'S LETTER TO THE MOST REV. DR. CURTIS.

The following is the important and valuable letter addressed to the Catholic Primate of Ireland, by his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant :—

Phanix Park, Dec. 23d, 1828. MOST REVEREND SIR,-I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 22d, covering that which you received from the Duke of Wellington, of the 11th inst. together with a copy of your answer to it.

I thank you for the confidence you have reposed in me.

Your letter gives me imformation upon a subject of the highest interest. I did not know the precise sentiments of the Duke of Wellington, upon the present state of the Catholic question.

Knowing it, I shall venture to offer my opinion upon the course that it behoves the Catholics to pursue.

Perfectly convinced that the final and cordial settlement of this great question can alone give peace, harmony, and prosperity to all classes of his Majesty's subjects in this kingdom, I must acknowledge my disappointment on learning that there is no prospect of its being effected during the ensuing Session of Parliament. I, however, derive some consolation from observing that his Grace is not wholly adverse to the mea sure; for if he can be induced to promote it, he, of all men, will have the greatest facility in carrying it into effect.

If I am correct in this opinion, it is obviously most important the Duke of Wellington should be propitiated; that no obstacle that can by possibility be avoided, should be thrown in his way; that all personal and offensive insinuations should be suppressed; and that ample allowance should be made for the difficulties of his situation.

Difficult it certainly is, for he has to overcome the very strong prejudices, and the interested motives of many persons of the highest influence, as well as to allay the real alarms of many of the more ignorant Protestants.

I differ from the opinion of the Duke, that an attempt should be made to bury in oblivion' the question for a short time. First, because the thing is utterly impossible; and next, because, if the thing were possible, I fear that advantage might be taken of the pause, by representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent re-action, and by proclaiming that if the Government at once and peremtorily decided against concession the Catholics would cease to agitate, and then all the miseries of the last years of Ireland will be to be re-acted.

What I do recommend is, that the measure should not be for a moment lost sight of, that anxiety should continue to be manifested; that all constitutional (in contradiction to merely legal) means should be resorted to, to forward the cause; but that at the same time, the most patient forbearance, the most submissive obedience to the laws, should be inculcated; that no personal and offensive language should be held towards those who oppose the claims.

Personality offers no advantage, it effects no good; on the contrary, it offends, and confirms predisposed aversion. Let the Catholic trust to the justice of his cause; to the growing liberality of mankind. Unfortunately, he has lost some friends, and fortified his enemies, within the last six months, by unmeasured and unnecessary violence. He will soonest recover from the present stagnation of his fortunes, by showing more temper, and y trusting to the Legislature for redress.

Brute force, he should be assured, can effect nothing. It is the Legislature that must decide this question; and my greatest anxiety is, that it should be met by the Parliament under the most favourable circumstances, and that the opposers of Catholic emancipation shall be disarmed by the patient forbearance, as well as by the unwearied perseverance of its advocates.

My warm anxiety to promote the general interests of this country, is the motive that induced me to give an opinion and to offer advice. I have the honour, &c. &c. (Signed) ANGLESEY.

To the Most Rev. Dr. Curtis, &c. &c.

CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.

DUBLIN, FRIDAY, JAN. 2.-The Association was yesterday crowded to excess. Sir THOMAS ESMONDE in the chair. Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL was appointed Secretary.

Receipt of Catholic Rent from 19th Dec. 4831. 8s. 6d.

THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY.

Mr. O'CONNELL, M. P.—I rise for the purpose of proposing four resolutions, of which I have given no notice; for on Tuesday last I could not have expected to enjoy the happiness which I have this day experienced, in reading the letter of the Marquis of Anglesey. (Hear, and cheers.) It burst upon us this morning the happiest newyear's gift that was ever presented. (Hear, and loud cheers.) It came from one of the most gallant soldiers that ever faced an enemy in the field of battle; brave as his own sword; true to his King and his country as the steel is to the adamant, and firm as that adamant in the maintenance of his own principles. (Cheers.) Noble and manly in all the relations of life, he is an honour and a credit to his own country, and a blessing to this unfortunate land. (Continued cheering.) It is said that it is difficult to conciliate the people of Ireland. The Marquis of Anglesey does not say so; he will not, and even he could not say so. (Hear.) He has shown himself the best counsellor of the throne and the people. He it is who could make that throne secure, because he would draw to its support the willing hearts and the ready arms of the people of this country. (Hear, and cheers.) The present administration should deem him their chosen champion; for with such a representative in Ireland, their power is increased and supported. (Hear, hear.) I know not what debt of gratitude the Duke of Wellington may feel he owes to the Marquis of Anglesey. I remember when I was in France, to have frequently heard the military skill of the Duke of Wellington undervalued, and to his excellent subordinate officers attributed the great portion of the merit to which he laid claim. Victory certainly never could have been attained, but for the gallantry of the subaltern officers and soldiers. The British soldiers fought with the vigor of freemen,

and their arms were nerved with the strength of men who were educated in a free country. (Hear.) The soldiers should obtain their meed of merit; but then we must not take all from the Duke of Wellington, or desire more than to share his fame, with those officers, who periled themselves in his battles. Is there one of those officers who encountered danger more frequently than the Marquis of Anglesey? None were more closely engaged in personal conflict with the foe, and none escaped less unscathed from the contest than the Marquis of Anglesey. (Hear and loud cheers.) If he is alive it is not by accident! He shrunk not from the battle; but in the closest encounter his sword was wielded; he poured out his blood to elevate the Duke of Wellington, and increase his glory. The Duke of Wellington owes him a deep debt of gratitude; it is not for me to inquire how that debt has been discharged, or what his feelings may be towards the noble Marquis. But if the Duke of Wellington owes him much for what the Marquis of Anglesey has done for him in the field, he owes him still more for what has been accomplished in the cabinet. (Hear, hear.) The manner in which he has conducted the affairs of this country has been such, that the Duke of Wellington should feel for ever grateful to him. (Hear.) He came here in the month of March last; his character was misrepresented before he reached our shores; the enemies of Ireland industriously circulated the report that he was attached to the predominant faction in the country, and the people were by them told to look upon him as a partizan. How soon did his conduct bitterly disappoint the faction? How soon did it delight and cheer the people of Ireland? (Hear, and cheers.) Not one word ever yet fell from his lips, to which his honest mind has not given thought. From my soul I declare most solemnly, that I believe there never lived a man less capable of concealing his conscientious opinions, than the Marquis of Anglesey; his straight forward disposition is incapable of shadowing over with doubt or mystifying his thoughts and opinions. (Cheers.) That noble, that truly noble man, came to this country in March last, but, I ask, did he take an overweening part with the oppressed? Although his generous disposition must have had a leaning to the cause of the oppressed, is there one single individual of the dominant faction who has cause to complain of injustice from him; is there even one of that faction who can complain that any slight has been thrown upon him? (Hear.) Strict impartiality has guided his course, and therefore is his government universally respected. The Irish people sought not that he should be a partizan; and for the first time they obtained all they looked for, "a clear stage ;" and what was equally good, "no favor." (Cheers.) His anxiety is that the law should be fairly and impartially administered, and it is that anxiety which has endeared him to the hearts and affections of the Irish people. (Loud cheers.) If he were a partizan, we might have applauded him; but even in the passing moment, when that applause was given, our pleasure would be dashed, and our happiness blasted by the consideration that his fame could be branded with the charge of partizanship. But the applause which we now offer can suffer no such draw-back; our pleasure is as complete as it is unaffected and sincere ; because the entire conduct of the Marquis of Anglesey has proved him to be a just and upright magistrate, showing favour to none and doing justice to all. (Long continued cheering.) Let us look back to the period of his administration; ten months have only elapsed since he took the reins of government in his hand; but these have been ten months of more tranquillity and peace than has ever occurred since the time the English first invaded Ireland. (Hear, and cheers.) During that period there have been fewer crimes, less political offences of any kind; the public peace has been more secured; tranqillity has been more firmly established in the country; the jails have been nearly empty; and with the exception of the outrages committed by the Orange gang in the North, the country has been more free from offences and crimes than it ever was since the invasion of the Second Henry. (Hear, and cheers.) It must be cheering and consolatory to the Marquis of Anglesey, to look back and think, that in the last ten months, and while he had been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, there had been less crimes committed than in any ten months of any other period, from the year 1172 to the present. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) GOOD GOD! what a lesson should this be for the British Ministry! Do they wish to see the Irish people tranquil, quiet, subordinate, obedient to the law, and ready to defer to their authority? Do they wish to see them attached to the Government? Let them look to the effects of the Marquis of Anglesey's administration. (Hear, and cheers.) I said, that the Marquis of Anglesey was the best supporter of the Administration of the Duke of Wellington. Does not his conduct in this instance prove that he is a better supporter of the Duke's government, than even his gallantry proved him to be in the bloody fight of Waterloo? (Hear, and cheers.) That is a consideration which the Duke of Wellington should not overlook. I cannot think it possible that there can be any jealousy felt towards him. Contrast the conduct of the Marquis of Anglesey and the Marquis of Wellesley, as the governors

of Ireland. The Marquis of Wellesley had emancipation upon his lips; he spoke of it, but when were the Orangemen more cherished at the Castle, than during his administration? The Marquis of Wellesley was intimidated and put down by the Orangemen. (Hear.) There was an attempt made to intimidate the Marquis of Anglesey, but such a puny and unworthy endeavour could not reach the height of his moral elevation. The Orangemen shrunk, almost without an exertion, before him He stands superior to the assaults of faction, regardless of the attempts of party and he has won the affections of all. by an honest and impartial administration of the laws. (Hear, and cheers.) Therefore it is, that he can rally round him the love and the affections of the Irish people. (Hear, and cheers.) The people seek not, an wish not for either revolution or change, except such a change as would ameliorate their condition; a change which would free them from oppression, and obtain for them the protection of the constitution itself. (Cheers.) We want the constitution, and nothing but the constitution; we want the whole of that constitution, and we will not take less; and God forbid that there row exists amongst us any base wretch, whose feelings for his country are so completely lost and deadened, as to consent, for one moment, to be tranquil, until he attains the full benefits of that constitution. In this sentiment we concur with Lord Anglesey, and truly delighted am I that he concurs with us. (Hear, and cheers.) I do not think I will have occasion to employ much entreaty in requesting your permission to read his letter; you have read it already, but I doubt much if you would not derive a great deal of comfort from reading it over and over again. (Laughter, and cheers) With respect to its composition, the style of it may be deemed even to exceed its merits as a state paper, and in it, it is no exaggeration to state, that the elegance of the scholar is displayed equally with the wisdom of the statesman. What a contrast in this respect does the illustrious author present to other letter-writers, who shall be nameless. (Laughter.) It is cheering to the heart of every man who loves Ireland, to have such a letter to read. Though I know every one present has read this letter, I know that all will be delighted, as I said before, to hear it read once more. (Hear, and cheers.) The Marquis of Anglesey commences his letter, "Most Reverend Sir." There is both propriety and delicacy in that phrase; is Lordship does not forget that the person whom he thus addresses was admitted and received by our gracious Sovereign, as a Catholic Archbishop. (Hear.) We do not find there any little minded or paltry effort of half bred aristocrary, to lower or degrade the truly venerable clergyman to whom it is addressed. Lord Anglesey gives the Primate his strictly constitutional denomination. The title of "Lord" belonged to a bishop on account of his baronial possessions; and these being lost, the title is therefore gone. Lord Anglesey was strictly correct in the use of the phrase. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. O'CONNELL then read the letter of his Excellency to Dr. CURTIS, (a copy of which is given in another part of our paper) paragraph by paragraph, and commented on it as he went along. Having gone through it, he asked, "Is there no monument to be erected for the men who serve Ireland. (Hear.) We see many lofty and stately columns erected to those who have done nothing but oppress Ireland-for men who have obtained victory for every country but this. (Hear.) But is there to be none for those whose services we would wish to commemorate, and to whom is due the gratitude and the affection of the people they have so well served? (Hear, and cheers.) I trust I shall live to see the day when there will be erected a column to which all Ireland will be contributory, and that upon its base will be found the name of the Marquis of Anglesey. (Long continued cheering.) Upon that ought to be engraven, in letters of gold, the sentiments I have just read to you. (Cheers.) Who, after reading these sentiments, will not determine upon continuing agitation? Is there in Ireland to be found, one Thersites is there any man so miserable, so wretched, and so degraded as to promote lisunion, after perusing these sentiments? Oh! if there be, how I should like to catch him, and put him in a rat-trap, that I might exhibit hin-(Laughter)—that I might kill him dead in his cage by reading these sentiments for him. (Hear, and laughter.) Here we have true political wisdom, and paternal advice, to which we should all listen.— Who, after reading this, would not declare, that if the advice of the Marquis of Anglesey was attended to, the people would be made united, contented, and happy? (Cheers.) What I do recommend, is, that the measure should not for a moment be lost sight of." He may be sure that we will obey hi. "That anxiety should continue to be manifested -that all constitutional (in contradistinction to merely legal) means shall be resorted to, to forward the cause.' This is the only part of his letter we will be inclined to disobey; for, though a measure be constitutional, still if it be against the laws, we wil not adopt it. We will obey the law, even though it be opposed to the spirit of the constitution. The English mind, however, has broken out in that sentiment. Though the cobweb of the law is allowed to deface, for a moment, the stately structure of the consti