a huguenot comes into the church, does the devil hunt him out? The priest1 teaches him; you never saw the devil throw up a nun's coats; mark that; the priest will not suffer it, for then the people will spit at him.

2. Casting out devils is mere juggling. They never cast out any but what they first cast in. They do it where, for reverence, no man shall dare to examine it. They do it in a corner, in a mortice-hole, not in the market-place. They do nothing but what may be done by art. They make the 10 devil fly out at a window in the likeness of a bat, or a rat. Why do they not hold him? Why, in the likeness of a bat, or a rat, or some creature that is? Why not in some shape we paint him in, with claws and horns? By this trick they gain much, gain upon men's fancies, and so are

1 The priest, H. 2] the devil, H.

country was the scene, and it was shifted, in the same year, to the Ursuline convent at Aix. In 1613 the nuns of St. Brigitte, at Lille, were tormented a second time by demons. They had suffered in the same way about half a century before. But the most notorious of all these attacks was the possession of the mother superior and some of the nuns at the Ursuline convent at Loudun in 1632-4. The history of this remarkable affair is given at length by Figuier. It appears to have been the combined result of wild nymphomania and conscious fraud on the part of the possessed nuns, probably aided by some suggestive trickery on the part of other persons. It had, as it was intended it should have, a tragical ending for the curé of Loudun, Urbain Grandier, who was burnt alive in 1634, on a maliciously contrived charge that he had introduced the devils into the bodies of the nuns. For the full details of this awful story, see Figuier, Histoire du Merveilleux, vol. i. pp. 81-257, and Bayle, Dictionnaire, under the heading 'Grandier.'

I find no mention anywhere of the possessed nuns hunting a huguenot out of the church. The nearest approach to it is in the account of the possession in 1552 of the nuns of the convent of Kintorp near Strasbourg, in the course of which—'Elles ne gouvernaient plus leur volonté. Une fureur irrésistible les portait à se mordre, à frapper et à mordre leurs compagnes, à se précipiter sur les étrangers pour leur faire du mal.' Introduction to the Histoire du Merveilleux, p. 47.

reverenced. And certainly if the priest can deliver me from him, that is my greatest enemy, I have all the reason in the world to reverence him.

Objection. But if this be juggling, why do they punish impostors?

Answer. For great reason; because they do not play their part well, and for fear others should discover them, and so think all of them to be1 of the same trade.

3. A person of quality came to my chamber in the Temple, and told me he had two devils in his head; [I 10 wondered what he meant] and just at that time, one of them bid him kill me, [with that I begun to be afraid, and thought he was mad] he said he knew I could cure him, and therefore entreated me to give him something, for he was resolved he would go to nobody else. I perceiving what an opinion he had of me, and that 'twas only melancholy that troubled him, took him in hand, warranted him, if he would follow my directions, to cure him in a short time. I desired him to let me be alone for an hour, and then to come again, which he was very willing to. In the mean 20 time I got a card, and lapt it handsomely up in a piece of taffata, and put strings to the taffata, and when he came, gave it him, to hang about his neck; withal charged him, that he should not disorder himself neither with eating or drinking, but eat very little of supper, and say his prayers duly when he went to bed, and I made no question but he would be well in three or four days. Within that time I went to dinner at his house, and asked him how he did. He said he was much better, but not perfectly well, for in truth he had not dealt clearly with me: he had four devils 30 in his head, and he perceived two of them were gone with that which I had given him, but the other two troubled him still. Well, said I, I am glad two of them are gone; I make no doubt but to get away the other two likewise. So I 1 Think all of them to be, H. 2] all of them thought to be,

H.

gave him another thing to hang about his neck. Three days after, he came to me to my chamber, and professed he was now as well as ever he was in his life, and did extremely thank me for the great care I had taken with him. I fearing lest he might relapse into the like distemper, told him that there was none but myself and one physician more, in the whole town, that could cure the devils in the head, and that was doctor Harvey (whom I had prepared) and wished him, if ever he found himself ill 10 in my absence, to go to him, for he could cure this disease as well as myself. The gentleman lived many years, and was never troubled after.

XXXV.

DUEL.

1. A DUEL may still be granted in some cases by the law of England, and only there. That the church allowed it

1. 14. A duel may still be granted &c.] See Selden, Analecta AngloBritannica, Works, ii. p. 949.

But he adds that there is hardly an instance to be found in which this form of trial has been actually used in civil cases, and very few instances in which it has been used in criminal cases.

Blackstone mentions it as still in force in his day.

'The next species of trial is of great antiquity, but much disused; though still in force if the parties chose to abide by it; I mean the trial by wager of battle. . . . a trial which the tenant or defendant in a writ of right, has it in his election at this day to demand.' Blackstone, Commentaries, bk. iii. ch. 22, sec. 5. So too in criminal trials—bk. iv. ch. 27, sec. 3.

These forms of trial, in civil and criminal cases, were done away with by 59 George III, ch. 56.

1. 15. That the church allowed it anciently, &c.] Ducange, Glossary, sub voce Campiones' (champions), mentions the 'Campionum oblationes, in Chartâ Manassis Episc. Lingonensis, ann. 1185, quas ii, prius quam in arenam descenderent, Ecclesiis offerebant, quo in duellis Deum sibi propitium conciliarent.'

Also, sub voce 'Duellum,' he shows that—' sacramenta quae in his

anciently, appears by this. In their public liturgies, there were prayers appointed for the duellists to say; the judge used to bid one of them go to such a church and pray, &c. for the victory: and to the other go to such a prelate in such a church, and pray, &c. But whether is this lawful? If you grant any war lawful, I make no doubt but to convince it. War is lawful, because God is the only judge betwixt two that are supreme. Now if a difference happen betwixt two subjects, and it cannot be decided by human testimony, why may they not put it to God, to judge between them, by the permission of the prince? Nay, what if we should bring it down, for argument's sake, to the sword-men. One gives me the lie; 'tis a great disgrace to take it, the law has made no provision to give remedy for the injury, (if you can suppose any thing an injury for which the law gives no remedy) why am not I in this case supreme, and may therefore right myself?

2. A duke ought to fight with a gentleman. The reason is this; the gentleman will say to the duke, 'tis true, you hold a higher place in the state than I; there's a great 2 distance betwixt you and me; but your dignity does not

occasionibus de more fiebant super sanctam crucem, sanctas reliquias, aut sancta Evangelia, proferebantur coram sacerdotibus vel Ecclesiae ministris.'

Canciani, in his Lex Costumaria Normannica, gives examples of the oaths administered to the combatants that they are using no help from sorcery or magical arts. Leges Barbarorum, vol. ii. p. 395, note.

Muratori shows that judicial combats were held anciently under the full sanction of the Church, and that the clergy were sometimes parties to them, either in person or more often by a champion chosen to defend their cause. Antiq. Italicae, iii. p. 638, Dissert. 39.

Also, on p. 637, 'Tanta autem fuit divini patrocinii spes in abominandis hisce certaminibus ut (Johanne Sarisberiensi in Epistol. 169, aliisque testibus) certaturi noctem praecedentem ducerent insomnem in Templo ad tumulum alicujus sancti, ut eum in agone propitium experirentur.' That they were again and again disapproved by the Church and forbidden under heavy ecclesiastical penalties, hardly needs proof. The proofs occur passim.

IO

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privilege you to do me an injury; as soon as ever you do me an injury, you make yourself my equal, and as you are my equal, I challenge you; and in sense the duke is bound to answer him. This will give you some light to understand the quarrel betwixt a prince and his subjects. Though there be a vast distance between him and them, and they are to obey him according to their contract; yet he has no power to do them an injury. Then, they think themselves as much bound to vindicate their right, as they 10 are to obey his lawful commands. Nor is there any other measure of justice left upon earth but arms.

XXXVI.

EPITAPH.

An epitaph must be made fit for the person for whom it is made. For a man to say all the excellent things that can be said upon one, and call that his epitaph, 'tis as if a painter should make the handsomest piece that he can possibly make, and say 'twas my picture. It holds in a funeral sermon.

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XXXVII.

EQUITY.

I. EQUITY in law is the same that the spirit is in religion, what every one pleases to make it. Sometimes they go according to conscience, sometimes according to law, sometimes according to the rule of the court.

1. 3. in sense the duke is bound] i. e. in reality; in point of fact. Selden uses this phrase elsewhere, see 'Preaching,' sec. 3 and 'Vows.'