cil. The governments that submitted to the Regency, considered those who did not as rebels. In the estimation of the Revolutionists, the mere name of Ferdinand VII. was a mere phantom. To pay respect and homage to this, nothing but mockery. There could not be any real loyalty, it was said, without obedience to those by whom the king, during his captivity, was legitimately represented. Commissioners were sent from Porto Rico, Mexico, New Mexico, Cuba, Spanish Guiana, Monte Video, and the juntas, or governments of some other districts, to the Regency of Cadiz, with assurances of their attachment and zealous co-operation with the Regency in support of the monarchy in all its members or branches. But by far the greatest portion of the Spanish part of South America adopted the principles, and followed the example of the CaracThe inhabitants of those fine countries were divided into two parties-the Loyalists, and the Independents; and their dissentions fermented into flames of civil

cas.

war.

Into these a general sketch of the History of Europe does not enter, and still less into the various internal affairs, civil and political, of ultra-marine regions occupying so large a portion of the surface of the globe. All these will furnish superabundant matter for the historians of America; and they may, there is every reason to suppose, become more interesting to the enlightened part of the world than those of an old country, losing its energy with its liberty, and in comparison of nascent, active, and ardent states, offete and torpid. Yet the revo

lutions in South, as those in North America, refer to Europe for their origin, and re-act on Europe in their results. These general causes and consequences it is proper and necessary to notice in a History of Europe.

The Junta of Caraccas had very naturally represented their situation and designs to the British governor of the island of Curacao, so near the entrance into the gulph of Venezuela, soliciting his countenance and protection. The governor did not hesitate to enter into a friendly correspondence with Caraccas; but, in circumstances so new and important, required instructions from home for the direction of his conduct. It was necessary for the British government, at this crisis, to make a public declaration of the system on which it was to act with regard to the Spanish colonies: and the Earl of Liverpool, secretary of state for war and the colonies, wrote a letter, June 29, 1810, to the governor of Curacao, Brigadier-General Lidyard, in which he stated, that "it was the first object of his Majesty, on being acquainted with the revolution in Spain, to second the efforts of so brave and loyal a people for maintaining the independence of the Spanish monarchy in all parts of the world. In conformity to these sentiments, and the obligations of justice and good faith, his Majesty must discourage every step tending to separate the Spanish provinces in America from the mother country in Europe. If, however, contrary to his Majesty's wishes and expectation, the Spanish state in Europe should be condemned to submit to the yoke of the common enemy,

enemy, whether by real compulsion, or a convention that should leave only the shadow of independence: on the same principles his Majesty would think it his duty to afford every kind of assistance to the provinces of America that should render them independent of French Spain, open an asylum to such of the Spaniards as should disdain to submit to their oppressors, regard America as their natural refuge, and preserve the remains of the monarchy to their lawful sovereign, if ever he should recover his liberty. It was a satisfaction to his Majesty to learn, by papers he had received, that what had passed in Caraccas, was in a great measure owing to the erroneous impressions they had received of the desperate state of Spain. These being removed, the inhabitants of Caraccas * would be disposed to renew their connections with Spain, as integral parts of the empire, on their being admitted to take their

place in the Cortes of the kingdom."

Nothing could be more prudent than this conduct of the British government in a situation so new, delicate, and difficult.

A copy of Lord Liverpool's letter was communicated to the Council of Regency at Cadiz, and published in all the Spanish newspapers.

A strong suspicion was entertained by the Independents, as a Portuguese army, 10,000 strong, had been sent in March to the frontiers of the Spanish colonies, that there might be a secret negociation for enforcing the pretensions of the Princess of Brazil to the whole country between the Porana and La Plata, in exchange for the islands of Madeira and St. Catharine. But this apprehension was quieted by a letter from Lord Strangford, British minister at the court of Brazil, to the Junta of Buenos Ayres.

1

duty! No such thing. It soon appeared how much of the blood of Lorraine flowed in her veins. She was gay, lively, and almost playful, and delighted with her conquest over a man who had conquered the world.

But while the face of France and its dependencies seemed to be brightened up with joy, the friends of humanity and wellwishers to established monarchies and the old order of things, deplored the humiliation of Austria, and execrated the servility of the fallen Archduke Charles! The sacrifice of Iphigenia in Aulis, ✓ scarcely cost more tears to assembled Greece, than that of Louisa Maria to the usurper of the throne _ of France-France, of which so near a relation perished, at so late a period, was the murdered queen!

• Intimation had been made by Buonaparte in the beginning of December, 1609, of an intended change in Holland, by which it would become a part of the French empire, to which indeed it naturally belonged, as it was nothing else but an alluvion of the Rhine, Meuse, and the Scheldt, the great arteries of the empire. * By this time numbers of French troops had begun to glide imperceptibly into Holland, till at last it was occupied by a French army of 40,000 men, The Exchange of Rotterdam was converted into a stable for French cavalry. This was a virtual or real annexation of that country to the French empire. Yet Buonaparte appears at first to have been willing that it should possess a nominal indepen

dence, and his brother wear a nominal crown. A treaty was made with Lewis, whereby Holland, on the left bank of the Waal, was to be annexed to France. An army of 18,000 men, including 3000 cavalry, partly French and partly Dutch, was to be distributed at all the mouths of the rivers, along with officers of the French customs, for the prohibition of all trade between Holland and England: the whole to be paid, provisioned, and clothed by the Dutch government. Though the treaty did not authorize the presence of French custom-house officers, but upon the banks of the sea and at the mouths of rivers, or their interference in any other measures than those relating to the blockade, and declared that the French troops should remain only on the coast, detachments of French soldiers accompanied by custom-house officers, spread themselves over various parts of the interior. About the middle of June, 20,000 French troops were assembled in the environs of Utrecht. On the 29th of that month, the King of Holland received official information, that his majesty the Emperor insisted on the occupation of Amsterdam, and the establishment of the French head-quarters in that capital.

Under these circumstances, Lewis, July 1, resigned his rank and royal dignity in favour of his eldest son, Napoleon Lewis, and of his brother, Prince Charles Lewis Napoleon. It was stated in the deed of abdication, that her majesty the Queen, being of right, and according to the constitution,

regent regent of the kingdom, should, till her arrival, be vested in the council of ministers.*.

Lewis, on the same day on which he abdicated his throne, wrote a farewell address to the legislative body. He stated the circumstances under which he was compelled to sign a treaty dictated by France. "I have the cruelly grievous satisfaction, yet now the only one I can have, that I have fulfilled my obligations to the end. That I have (if I am permitted to speak) sacrificed to the existence and welfare of the country all that was possible: but, after the resignation and submission of the first of April, (the date of the treaty) 1810, I should be much to blame if I consented to retain the title of king, being no longer any other than an instrument-no longer commanding in my own capital, and, perhaps, soon not even in my palace. I should nevertheless be a witness of every thing that might be going on, without being able to do any thing for my people; responsible for all occurrences, without the power to prevent them, or their influence. I should have exposed myself to the complaints of both sides, and perhaps have occasioned great misfortunes; by doing which I should have betrayed my conscience, my people, and my duty. My brother, so violently irritated against me, is not so against my children. Perhaps I am the only obstacle to the reconciliation of this country with France. And should that be so, I might find

• State Papers, p. 512.

some consolation in dragging out the remainder of a wandering and languishing life at a distance from the first objects of my whole affection, this good people, and my son. These are my principal motives. There are others equally powerful, with respect to which I must be silent, but they will easily be divined. The Emperor, my brother, though strongly prejudiced against me, must feel that I could not act otherwise. He is great, and he ought to be just. As to you, gentlemen, I should be much more unhappy even than I am, if possible, could I imagine that you would not do justice to my intentions. May the end of my career prove to the nation and to you that I have never deceived you; that I have had but one aim, the true interest of the country; that the faults I may have committed are to be ascribed solely to my zeal, which induced me to employ, not always the best, but the most practicable means of overcoming the difficulty of circumstances. I cannot, gentlemen, conclude, without recommending to you, in the name of the interest, and the existence of so many families, whose property and lives would be infallibly compromised, to receive the French with the attention, cordiality, and kindness due to the brave people of the first nation in the universe. In whatever place I may terminate my days, the name of Holland, and the most lively prayers for its happiness, will be my last words and my last thoughts."