Obrazy na stronie

Brio (gl. ponte), when we remember the forms Brivodurum (later Briodurum), Briva Isarae, 'Pont-oise,' Samarobriva, etc., appears to have lost a v in inlaut. Brivó is then the abl. sg. of a Gaulish brivo-s (brivo-n ?) bridge,' which is cognate with W. briw, m. 'a cut,' briwio 'to break,' just as the Nhg. brücke is cognate with brechen (Pictet).

Ambe (gl. rivo) is the abl. sg. and ambes in inter-ambes (gl. inter rivos) the acc. pl. of ambis an i-stem, from the root ab, like the Gaulish river-name A-m-bris, the Welsh A-m-byr (Lib. Land. 165, 191, 216), ŏ-μ-ßpos, i-m-ber, Skr. a-m-bu 'aqua' (Glück, Neue Jahrb. 1864, p. 600). The root appears unnasalised in Abona, Tacit. Ann. xii. 31, now Avon, "Aßos, Ptol. ii. 2, Abusina, Ir. abh 'fluvius,' and aibhell .i. uisce 'water.'

The prep. inter (O. Ir. eter, etar, Zeuss G. C. 615) is=Lat. inter, Osc. anter, Skr. antar. I do not find it in the British languages. The Cornish yntre, Br. entre, though cognate, are not the same.

Lautro (gl. balneo) is the abl. sg. of a Gaulish lautro-n= Gr. XavTpóv=Lat. lūbrum in pol-lubrum, root LU, whence Lat. luo, lu-strum, etc. In neo-keltic it is found as O. Ir. lóthar (gl. alveus), M. Br. louazr. It seems to occur in Lovo-lautrum, now Volorre, in Puy-de dôme. If so, lovo is probably = the NHG. lau tepid.'

Nanto (gl. valle), another abl. sg. of a neut. o-stem. (I should have expected nantu-cf. brâtu-de-for the derivative Nantuates points to an u-stem). The nom. (or acc. ?) pl. of this occurs in tri-nanto (gl. tres valles), where nanto, like avallo (gl. poma), is to be compared with the acc. pl. dvorico 'porticus,' which M. Pictet has recently detected in the Gaulish inscription of Guéret. The -o here is of course Lat. ă, Gr. -a. It is frequently dropt in Old Irish neuters pl. like nert 'virtutes,' olc, Z. 354, mala,' cét hundreds,' arm arma,' Z. 368, membur membra,' Z. 1006. The root, according to Siegfried, is NAM, whence véuos, nemus, Zend nemata, nimata ' grasweide.' In neo-keltic nanto-n is represented by the W. nant ravine,' 'brook,' pl. neint, now neintydd, Corn. nans (gl. vallis), pl. nanssow.

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The numeral tri is also found in trigaranus and τριμαρκισια. Anam (gl. paludem) latinised for anan or ânan (cf. logan

'a grave,' on the Todi-inscription). I know nothing like this. word except an Irish án 'water,' cited by O'Reilly, s.v. Aidbeis, an .i. uisge, O'Clery, which I have never seen elsewhere. There is an Irish en 'water,' gen. ena, and co hoin (gl. limpâ) occurs in the Liber Hymnorum.

Caio (gl. breialo sive bigardio) an abl. sing. I do not know the meanings of either of the Latin words: caio-s (caio-n?) may perhaps mean a house: cf. W. cae, O. Ir. cae, in cerd-chae, and the low Latin cayum domus' (see Diez, E.W. i. 121, s.v. Cayo), the root of which is KI (Skr. çî), whence koítη, kúμn, quies, Goth. haim-s, Eng. home.

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Onno (gl. flumen) is perhaps cognate with the Irish inn 'fluctus,' unda,' and the Skr. andha water.'

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Nate (gl. fili) should be gnâte, the voc. sg. of gnâtos=Lat. (g)nâtus, root GAN; cf. a gloss cited by Diefenbach, Origg. p. 362. “Gnatus, filius lingua Gallica, et natus.”

Cambiare (gl. rem pro re dare). Bret. kemma. The termination is certainly Latin. See Diez, E.W. i. 102. The root is also found in Cambos, an epithet of the Gaulish Mercury (De Wal, p. 52) which Siegfried compared with 'Mercurius Nundinator, Mercurius Negotiator.'

Avallo (gl. poma) leg. aballo, a neut. o-stem in the nom. (or acc.?) plural: cf. Ir. abhall, ubhall; W. afal.

Doro (gl. osteo) abl. sg. of doron, or rather (if we remember dvorico) dvoron = Skr. dvâra-m. The gen. sg. of this word occurs in the gloss Isarno-dori, i.e. ferrei ostei, cited by Diefenbach, Origg. pp. 367, from V. S. Eugendi, Boll. 1 Jan. par. 2.

Renne (gl. arborem grandem) seems a neut. i-stem in the acc. sg. I cannot explain it unless, indeed, it has lost a p in anlaut; cf. W. prenn 'tree,' Ir. crann, and perhaps πρîvos.

Treicle (gl. pede) abl. sg. of an i-stem, perhaps from *tregile, *tragile, root TRAGH in ver-tragos (gl. Kúшv πodúкns), Ir. traig 'foot,' Gr. Tpéxw. The change of g to c may be due to the elision, or rather the metathesis, of the following vowel. Possibly, however, we may refer treicle to the root TRAK, Zend thrak to march,' Skr. trank.

CALCUTTA, November, 1867.


THE old belief that the British languages separated from the Indo-European stock before the evolution of cases, has, it is hoped, been destroyed by the discovery in those languages of traces of the dat. sg. (W. er-byn—Ir. ar-chiunn, Corn. er dha byn, nom. sg. pen, Beitr. v. 9), the acc. sg., as in W. trennydd 'perendie' (=*tretn-did, lit. tertium diem,' Corn. trenga, Beitr. v. 255), peunyd 'quotidie' (*peupn-did, Beitr. iii. 280, Corn. boynedh, Bret. bemdez=*bemndez, *bebndez, *pepndez), Br. bemnoz chaque nuit' (=*bemn-noz, *bebn-noz, *pepn-noeth), the nom. pl. of masc. a-stems (gwyr, seint, beirdd, sg. gwr, sant, bardd), and, lastly, the gen. pl. (Beitr. iii. 153), a little nugget of mine, which, I am glad to see, Ebel (Z.2 281) has stamped with his mint-mark.

To these traces we may, I think, add another. It seems to me that the plurals in -i, of which Ebel, Z.2 284, gives a good number in Welsh, Cornish and Breton, and which are still used (e.g. saer, pl. seiri), are originally accusatives in -ûs (= O.Ir. -u). The change of û to i is quite regular, Z.2 100, 175, where W. lleidr is excellently explained from *latrî, *latrû, =Lat. latrô. The final s has saved the vowel, which causes umlaut, but does not infect the initials of following words.

If the above explanation be right, we have here another of the many interesting parallels between the Romance and the Celtic languages. The Welsh plural -¿ (from -ûs) is to be equated with the s of the French plural, which, as every one knows, is a relic of the Latin acc. plural, and was, in Old French nouns of the second declension, confined to the objective (e.g. murmuri, mur-s=murôs, an anni, an-s-annós). The O. Welsh menechi, for example, is-Fr. moine-s=

1 In the same way the Old Welsh man's name Selim arose from Salamô through the intermediate stages of Salamû, * Salami.

monachos. But Welsh plurals like meneich, where the old terminal i (from oi) is discoverable only from the umlaut, are to be compared with Italian plurals like monachi. The circumstance that in Welsh the plural -i (from -ús) is not confined to masculines, but that we find feminines like creithi (ulcera), guerni (alni), seems, at first sight, to militate against my theory. But we also find the i (from oi) in feminines (e.g. brein 'corvi,' yeyr 'gallinae,' bran, iâr); and so in Wallachian: "zur flexion mit dem plur. -i gehören nicht allein masculina wie im Italienischen; sondern auch zahlreiche feminina" (Diez, Gr. ii. 51). We need not, therefore, be surprised at finding some Welsh feminines making their plural in -i (from -ús), a termination which (unless we assume the existence in Celtic of fem. ŏ-stems, like fagus, pnyós) was originally confined to masculine stems in o and u.

CALCUTTA, Christmas, 1869.


THE most steadfast believer in the oneness of the several languages of the so-called Indo-European family must come across many words which have the appearance of being isolated or peculiar to a single member; and again, what really involves the same difficulty, in the tables of cognate terms which are adduced in proof of such affinity, there is at times seen an awkward gap which calls for explanation. Thus in the series of words which belong to relationship by blood or marriage, as father, mother, brother, sister, etc., the Latin column is left vacant as regards the term which should correspond to the Greek Ouyaтeρ-, E. daughter. It was to supply this defect that some time back I suggested filia as really entitled to the place, grounding the claim chiefly on the evidence of two letter-changes, that of 0 with ƒ, as seen in Oupa, Ovμos, Onp, compared with fora (acc. pl. foras, dat. pl. foris, called adverbs), fumus, fera, and that of y (softened to a y) with an 7 mouillé, as in μoys compared with polis. Thus the more essential part, viz. Ovya of Ovyatep-, is substantially identical with filia, viz. thi-ya with fi-ya. This argument was confirmed by the information I received from a friend, that in modern Greek a shorter form Ouyo- (n. Ouyos) was a term in habitual use for 'a daughter.' I further identified Ovy of these two nouns with the Latin sugo, so that the original meaning should be 'suckling;' and this view, I am told, was put forward by Lassen, who preferred it to the translation of 'milk-maid,' as favoured by the majority of Sanskritists. Moreover, if I am right in thus identifying filia with OuyaTep-, it will at once follow that the office of 'milk-maid,' which is not without meaning as a suitable expression for a daughter, loses its special fitness for a son, and yet it is impossible to separate filia from filius. On the other hand the term 'suckling' is applicable to both, and has the additional advantage that it is available for the infant who is not yet qualified to take a part in the work of the dairy.

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